Two Vital Bills on the Table for This Week

A very intense week lies ahead of us. This week, the Knesset will most probably begin its recess. (Actually, it will have no choice but to begin its recess, in order to have the legally required 90-day break before the next election.) Before the Knesset begins its break, however, there are several issues that have to be resolved. Some of those issues are vital to the Likud party; others are critical to the chareidim. In the latter category are two bills: the Basic Law: Torah Study and the bill that will put an end to the arrests of yeshiva bochurim, which is officially titled “Proposed Security Service Law—Amendment 26: Integration of Yeshiva Students, 5782/2022.” Both bills were approved in committees, one last Thursday and one at the beginning of this week, in advance of their second and third readings in the Knesset, which marks the final step before they enter the book of law. The Basic Law: Torah Study was approved on Monday.

The second bill, which will halt the arrests of yeshiva bochurim, was approved on Sunday in the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee chaired by MK Boaz Bismut. The bill passed the committee by a narrow margin, in a vote of eight to seven, and states that out of recognition of the importance of Torah learning, a temporary measure will be enacted to suspend the arrests of talmidei yeshivos for whom learning Torah is their full-time occupation. The measure will remain in effect from the day the law is published until 20 Kislev 5787/November 30, 2026.

The text of the bill reads in part, “A yeshiva student will be defined as someone who learns Torah and studies in a yeshiva in an orderly fashion no less than 45 hours a week, or in a kollel for no less than 40 hours a week, excluding the official vacation periods accepted in yeshivos, which will be determined by the minister of defense. The minister of defense will formulate a list of approved yeshivos for this period of time, in accordance with the standards that will be included in the regulations. A yeshiva will be included on the list if its director or another authorized individual declares that it maintains regular Torah studies for no less than 45 hours a week, or 40 hours a week for a kollel. The minister of defense will also determine the criteria for removing a yeshiva from the list, with the approval of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. To provide oversight, the minister of defense will issue instructions and designate inspectors, in accordance with the terms of section 49c. Inspectors with experience in field inspections for the Ministry of Education, who were appointed in the past to monitor yeshivos receiving government funds, may be used for this purpose, and the minister of defense will be permitted to use the oversight mechanisms of the Ministry of Education.”

The legal advisors of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee have been fiercely opposed to the bill throughout the deliberations. They claimed that there are two major flaws in the bill: First, it is considered unequal, since it prevents the arrests only of chareidim who do not enlist and does not protect other segments of the population, and second, it does not include sanctions against draft evaders. The chareidi politicians pushed for the law to be approved despite the legal advisors’ objections, and everyone is now waiting for its final approval in the Knesset. Everyone expects petitions against the law to be filed with the Supreme Court, but it is generally accepted that no existing laws are changed during an election period, so the bill should at least buy us a temporary reprieve.

Bochurim Are Afraid to Appear on the Streets

The bill freezing arrests of yeshiva bochurim is expected to result in a couple of gains. First, it will buy the community a period of several months, perhaps even three quarters of a year, with no arrests at all. In addition, those currently in custody will be released immediately. And it will put an end to the absurd situation in which yeshiva bochurim and kollel yungeleit are afraid to walk in the street or find themselves fleeing at the mere sight of a police officer. This state of affairs has resulted in some grievous incidents such as the recent assault on yeshiva bochurim by a group of ruffians in Rechasim. The assailants mocked their victims, asserting that they would certainly not dare file a complaint with the police against them. Sadly, they were right: The bochurim did not want to risk arrest by reporting to the police that they had been assaulted and thus exposing themselves to police action. And the repercussions extend even further: If a kollel yungerman is injured in a traffic accident, for instance, he is more likely to hurry home despite his injuries than to remain on the scene and risk being arrested by the police. This is the worst situation that the Torah world has faced since the founding of the state, and it is a terrible indictment of the State of Israel specifically at a time when it needs copious Heavenly mercy.

This week, one of the chareidi members of the Knesset had me listen to a recording on his phone of a message that he received. I will quote part of the recording verbatim: “You are the only ones who can help me. I am a woman with three small children, and my husband was taken to the Neve Tzedek military prison yesterday. They want to draft him, and I am alone with three small children and have no one to help me. I am asking for your help. Please, let us show our unity. I can’t continue anymore; I need help. I simply can’t go on this way; I need my husband here at home. He called me today for the first time, in tears, and said that he is being abused. They made him stand for four hours with a heavy bag on his back, they didn’t give him enough food, and he slept for only three hours. He is suffering; he is sleeping on boards and is not allowed bedsheets. I can’t deal with this anymore.” The woman can be heard weeping, and her distress moved me to tears as well.

I have a neighbor who was arrested for draft evasion. He was sentenced to 30 days behind bars, and then his sentence was extended for another 30 days. He is 28 years old and has apparently been classified as a draft dodger since the age of 18, which accounts for the severity of his sentence. That means that he never arranged a deferral for himself, even when it was possible. But even if we agree that he was negligent (and I will admit that he isn’t a particularly organized or conventional person), does he really deserve to spend 60 days in jail? According to his parents, he is on the verge of a mental breakdown. It is a very sad situation.

If the law freezing the arrests passes this week, it will be worthwhile just for the purpose of ending situations such as these.

Important Clause Struck from Torah Study Bill

The second bill promoted by the chareidim is the new Basic Law: Torah Study, which was approved last Thursday. The text of the law was altered several times due to vocal protests from the opposition, the legal advisors, and former soldiers suffering from post-trauma, who were outraged by the fact that the government wasn’t taking similar steps to assist them. Incidentally, they stressed repeatedly that they have nothing against Torah learners and even called on the government to leave them alone; they were angered solely by the attention being focused solely on lomdei Torah while their own suffering went unheeded.  During the discussions in the Knesset committee, it was decided that another law will be formulated concurrently addressing the needs of soldiers suffering from trauma.

On Thursday evening, the Knesset House Committee, headed by Ofir Katz (who is also the coalition whip), approved the Basic Law: Torah Study for its second and third readings in the Knesset. Before the vote, Ofir Katz submitted a reservation calling for the second clause in the bill, which stated that its purpose is to create a counterweight against other values anchored in legislation, should be struck from the bill. This clause appeared in the version of the bill that was approved in its first reading, but was ultimately removed under pressure for the second and third readings. Six members of the Knesset voted in favor of the proposal, while four opposed it.

Katz explained, “After extensive discussions with our partners in the chareidi parties, as well as conversations with many other individuals, including some within the coalition, it was decided collaboratively to remove the second paragraph. Thus, we remain with only the first paragraph, which I believe is not disputed, which states that Torah study is a foundational value in the heritage of the Jewish people and the State of Israel. Not only the members of the coalition, but many in the opposition as well, stated that if the second paragraph were removed, they would vote in favor of the bill.” Katz emphasized, “No soldier will be harmed by the passage of this law. We are working on a new bill that will provide as much of a response as possible for the needs of soldiers, in reaction to the outcry that has taken place here for several years.”

At this point, there is a dispute as to whether the bill will have a practical impact. The deputy attorney general who monitored the discussions insists that with the second paragraph removed, the law is merely declarative. The Knesset legal advisor, Sagit Afik, made a similar statement for the record: “At the preliminary stage, the bill contained much stronger language with much clearer practical implications. I maintained regarding the first section that it seeks to anchor Torah study as a fundamental value. As for the second section, which deals with how this value is weighed against other fundamental values, I maintained that it had the potential for practical implications, including effects on funding for soldiers. Now that the section was removed, in my view, the repercussions for soldiers no longer exist. All that remains is the enshrinement of a value.” Which isn’t to say that Afik embraced the new version of the bill; she was opposed even to this measure, but not as strongly as she resisted the earlier version.

MK Yinon Azulai, a Shas representative who was present for all the discussions of the bill, explained, “We are not pleased with the removal of the second paragraph, but we accepted the request. Nevertheless, I will say this here: I still believe that the first paragraph of the law, while it does not speak about sanctions, can be used as a tool by a judge who can weigh it against other issues such as the value of equality.”

The Knesset Gets Ready to Dissolve

At the end of this week, the 25th Knesset will complete its term. The election will be held on its previously scheduled date: October 27th/the 16th of Cheshvan. It has been 40 years since a Knesset lived out its full term; this can be said to the credit of Netanyahu and his coalition, who managed to keep the current Knesset in power until the term ended. Netanyahu was not in favor of this election date, since it seems too reminiscent of October 7th, and he fears that his political rivals will use the similarity to manipulate public sentiment against him. Nevertheless, the date was set, and Israel is about to enter the whirlwind of activity that marks an election season. Registration for party lists is expected to take place on September 7, and one can expect plenty of intense activity until that time (except, of course, in the chareidi parties).

This week, the Knesset will be kept busy clearing its desk before it dissolves. A series of bills are expected to be brought to a vote, some government-sponsored and others proposed by individuals. Among the main bills on the agenda are some modifications to election proceedings for the 26th Knesset, including arrangements for citizens evacuated from their homes to vote in their new locales, the expansion of voting opportunities in nursing homes and assisted living facilities (measures supported by the left and opposed by the right), and an increase in transparency in election propaganda. Meanwhile, the Knesset is also expected to vote on a number of bills dealing with national security and the economy, some of which stalled during the Knesset’s term due to political disputes. The efforts to pass these laws during the last few days of the Knesset’s session are accompanied by intense political pressure; after the Knesset begins its recess, it will be virtually impossible to pass new legislation. And one must keep in mind that both the Likud and the chareidim have a couple of very important laws to pass.

As soon as the legislative work is done, the various political parties will begin dealing with the power struggle between the right-wing and left-wing blocs. Their choices of political alliances, splits, and joint lists are likely to be just as important in determining the makeup of the next government as the number of votes received by any party. The parties that appear to be poorly positioned to pass the electoral threshold, both on the right and on the left, will come under heavy pressure to merge with each other, while the larger parties will work hard to prevent votes for their respective blocs from being wasted.

The beginning of a Knesset recess isn’t merely a technicality; it is an official indication that the election campaign has begun. After that point, any decision, declaration, or political struggle will be measured above all by the overriding question of how it will affect the voting on October 7. The political establishment knows that the period of 107 days until the election is a very short time, but it is also enough time for profound changes, surprising alliances, new crises, and major shifts in public opinion. After months of uncertainty, the date of the election has been finalized, the Knesset is on its way out, and the election for the 26th Knesset is on the horizon. Bli neder, I will write more about events within the political parties and the predictions of the polls (which are not forecasting a major win, or possibly any win at all, for Netanyahu) in the near future.

Police Violence with No Consequences

Let me share something personal with you: When a government body abuses an ordinary citizen, I become outraged. And when it is an organization such as the police or Prison Service on one side, and a chareidi citizen on the other, I am utterly furious.

I generally try to help the victims in these situations without making too much of a fuss over the situation. It can certainly be said that this has been a major part of my work over the years. There were only some instances in which the stories entered the headlines, such as the case of a young man named Chaim Mizrachi who was beaten by three police officers on Rechov Malchei Yisroel in Geulah. I brought Mizrachi and his mother to a Knesset committee, and their story sparked outraged reactions. Similarly, when videos documenting police violence in Meron two years ago were publicized—including the police officer who shoved an elderly man to the ground and the policewoman who kicked an elderly woman—I made sure that the videos would reach a Knesset committee. The members of the Knesset watched those scenes unfolding and were horrified. Tzvika Fogel, the chairman of the committee, asserted that the “bad apples” needed to be removed from the police force. I have also been the driving force behind hundreds of parliamentary queries about police brutality and about the lackadaisical responses of the Department of Internal Police Investigations. But to be honest, I have begun to feel despair. The system constantly covers up its own wrongdoing, and it is difficult to fight people in entrenched positions of power. Even the episodes of violence in Meron had no consequences. The police and the DIPI take advantage of the fact that the Mea Shearim community does not recognize the state and will not appeal if a case is closed.

A recent protest of the Peleg Yerushalmi (or, more specifically, the followers of Rav Tzvi Friedman, known in Hebrew as the Ratzafnikim) yielded a number of shocking videos of police violence that evoked widespread horror. One particular video shows three police officers using clubs to viciously beat a young man who was lying on the ground. Another infuriating video shows a police officer deliberately tearing the trousers off a yungerman who was lying on the street. Yet another police officer was caught on camera punching a young man who had already been dragged to the sidewalk. And a policewoman who was wearing civilian clothes, and thus wasn’t identifiable as a member of the police force, was choking a young bochur when someone else stepped in to stop her. This triggered a reaction from a group of policemen who pounced on the man who intervened and began raining vicious blows on him. Of course, this was their way of defending the policewoman’s honor. To make matters worse, after the bochur was already handcuffed and in custody, the policewoman walked over to him and slapped him across the face. Again, this was done only for the purpose of assuaging her bruised ego, and, of course, it merely compounded her own crimes.

When these incidents came to light, the police commissioner announced that the matter would be investigated and that any “anomalous” behavior would be handled. At the same time, he expressed general support for his officers. When the minister of public security announced that he planned to suspend the commander of the Bnei Brak police station, who was caught on camera behaving like a brutal thug, the commissioner hurried to argue. And despite the passage of time since the horrific violence at the protest, nothing has been done about it yet. That is why I have begun to feel despair.

Now, the issue of police violence came to the fore again when a Gerrer chossid was accosted by police officers in Ashdod who claimed that he was wanted by the national debt-collection agency. The man refused to show ID (some believe that he is classified as a draft evader and feared that he would be arrested), and the police officers immediately began beating him. People who witnessed the incident burst into tears; the policemen beat him, broke his eyeglasses, tore his clothes, and wounded him. They ultimately discovered that it was a case of mistaken identity, but that isn’t really the main point; even if the man was precisely who they thought, police officers are not supposed to behave like wild animals. When they realized their mistake, the policemen released him from the handcuffs and allowed him to leave, but according to eyewitnesses, they did not call for medical assistance, they did not divulge their personal details, and they didn’t even apologize. Instead, they simply fled from the scene. This is the height of shameful misconduct.

Herzog Contacts the Police Commissioner

After the incident in Ashdod, the police realized that they were in trouble and that the episode had been caught on camera, and they released the following statement: “This was a police operation based on a court order and in the context of an ongoing investigation. During the operation, a man was identified who began fleeing from the scene and refused to identify himself. It was later determined that it was a case of mistaken identity, and he was freed immediately. The incident was transferred for investigation by authorized authorities, and the appropriate conclusions will be drawn. The Israel Police Force apologizes for the distress and suffering that were caused and will continue to operate with great respect for citizens’ rights.”

The police also claimed that the officers apologized to the victim: “After it became clear that it was a case of mistaken identity, the police officers apologized. The community police officer and other policemen later spoke with him as well. The entire incident could have been avoided if he had identified himself immediately. Every person who is asked by a police officer to identify himself is required to do so. The refusal to identify oneself is a criminal offense that gives the police authorization to arrest the offender.” Today, however, the average young chareidi man is afraid to identify himself to a police officer, since there is a great likelihood that he is classified as a draft evader and will be arrested on the spot. But will the police officers face consequences for their use of unreasonable force? In my view, based on past experience, the answer to that question is a resounding no.

Last Tuesday evening, I met with President Herzog. I won’t get into the reasons for our meeting, but I will tell you that I had a fairly long conversation with him in his office. I was accompanied by my son, who mentioned that he learns in Yeshivas Bais Mattisyohu and was once the right-hand man of the late rosh yeshiva, Rav Boruch Weisbecker. Herzog revealed in response that he once paid a visit to Rav Weisbecker’s home, and my son remembered the visit, which took place when Herzog was chairman of the Labor party and involved a discussion about the Tal Law.

I could write at great length about the intensive security surrounding the president and the polished atmosphere in his official residence. Our conversation yielded plenty of interesting information as well; however, it is generally accepted that such conversations are meant to be off the record, and I will honor that practice. There is one thing, however, that I can reveal to you, especially since this article will be published in America rather than in Israel: When we spoke about Herzog’s relations with the chareidi community, I remarked that I could not understand how he remained silent in the face of the videos showing brutal police violence at chareidi protests. “How can you see three police officers using clubs to beat a young man lying on the ground and remain silent?” I asked.

At that point, Herzog surprised me. “Who says that I remained silent?” he asked. “I spoke to the police commissioner that evening. Do you think it was a coincidence that he announced that there would be an internal probe? That was because of me.”

Herzog voiced severe disapproval for the violent behavior of the police. And while I don’t know what will come of the police commissioner’s investigation—in fact, I presume that nothing will come of it—Herzog deserves to be applauded for two reasons. First, he took the initiative to contact the police commissioner and presumably to express the revulsion that everyone feels for the actions of the offending officers, and second, he didn’t even publicize it. The president chose to give up the opportunity to score public relations points, which I consider no less of a testament to his character. Yitzchok Herzog is slowly but surely being revealed as one of the saner voices on the political scene, and someone who is not willing to join the chorus of knee-jerk condemnation of the chareidi community.

Mourning the Death of Senator Graham

I do not remember such a sense of grief in official Israel as there is now over the passing of Senator Lindsey Graham. Israel has lost someone who seemed to be a true friend, who believed we were in the right, who said so clearly and without equivocation, and who backed his words with actions. His influence on President Trump was apparently absolute. The country is saddened by his loss, albeit confident that new friends will be found. Netanyahu appears to be weighing the idea of traveling to the United States to attend the funeral (and, incidentally, to meet with President Trump). If he does not go, then Israel will undoubtedly send someone else high-ranking, out of gratitude for the senator’s friendship.

Senator Graham visited Israel several times after the October 7 massacre. There were two places in particular that held his interest: the Kosel Hamaaravi and the areas in the south affected by the October 7 massacre. Shlomo Elkabetz, who lost his daughter in Kfar Azza, paid tribute to Senator Graham and published a picture of the senator visiting the room where his daughter was killed. Rav Shmuel Rabinowitz published a picture of the senator visiting the Kosel and wrote, “His death is a great loss to the Jewish people, the State of Israel, and the American nation. His last visit to the Kosel was during the Iron Swords War, after the murderous terror attack of October 7. Graham came to the Kosel at a time when Israel was suffering through a great calamity, and he conveyed a clear message of support and solidarity. ‘You are not alone; the United States stands with you,’ he said. Those words expressed his profound commitment to Israel and his uncompromising support for the Jewish nation.”

Prime Minister Netanyahu also released a statement: “Together with the people of America, Sara and I mourn the loss of our dear friend, Senator Lindsey Graham. At our last meeting, I said, ‘Linsey is a great friend of Israel and a dear friend to me. We have no better friend.’ Lindsey understood that the security of Israel and the United States are inseparable. He dedicated his life to protecting America, strengthening our alliance, and defending the free world. Israel has lost one of its greatest friends, America has lost a great patriot, and I have lost a beloved friend.”

President Herzog described Graham as “a great friend of Israel and a great American patriot … a beacon of moral clarity.”

Yossi Dagan, head of the Shomron Regional Council, wrote, “Graham loved Israel and was a true idealist…. He was a true friend of Israel and of the settlements in Shomron. About a month ago, he hosted a major solidarity event for the Shomron on Capitol Hill.”

Even Aryeh Deri released a statement: “I was deeply saddened to hear about the passing of Senator Lindsey Graham, one of the greatest friends of the State of Israel and one of the righteous Gentiles of our generation. He stood courageously at Israel’s side, fighting an uncompromising battle against the Iranian axis of evil and terror, and made a significant contribution to strengthening the powerful covenant between Israel and the United States. The State of Israel has lost a true friend. May his memory be blessed.”

The Center of Rav Bergman’s Life

As usual, I am running out space, but I have many more things to report about. There is Rahm Emanuel’s recent visit, during which he attacked Netanyahu in an interview with Israel’s most widely read newspaper. I won’t quote him, since he doesn’t deserve it, but I will note that he mentioned that he loathes Netanyahu for insulting him by referring to him as a self-hating Jew. With his interview, Emanuel only proved Netanyahu correct.

There was also an interesting story concerning the new Shin Bet director, David Zini, who announced publicly that he is loyal to the government. For this statement, Zini was fiercely condemned by the left, as if he said something forbidden. The minister of justice defended him by quoting the Shin Bet Law, which states that the head of the Shin Bet is required to be loyal to the government.

In other news, the Ministry of Education issued new guidelines requiring tefillin stands to be made available for students in any school in which there is interest. I was personally involved in this turn of events, as you may recall if you have been reading my accounts of the developing story, which began when I met Orel Malik of Ramat Gan on his visit to the Knesset.

But since I must wrap up this column, I will end with a few words about Rav Meir Tzvi Bergman, one of the most senior marbitzei Torah in Eretz Yisroel, the son-in-law of Rav Shach, and the head of Kollel Rashbi. Last week, an appeal was held for the yungeleit of the kollel, and the gedolei Yisroel called on the public to contribute.

A few years ago, I was surprised to encounter Rav Bergman at Kennedy Airport, waiting for his suitcase at the baggage carousel. Rav Bergman was alone, unaccompanied by an entourage or attendant of any sort. Like me, he had been seated in the economy section of the plane, and I presume that he was even more exhausted from the flight than I was. When I remarked to one of his grandchildren that Rav Bergman had made the trip alone, he replied, “That is my grandfather’s nature. He never wants to impose on anyone else.” Last week, when the appeal was launched for the Torah institution that Rav Bergman manages with great dedication, it was accompanied by a video in which he cries, “For over fifty years, I have had the privilege of maintaining our yeshiva, known as Kollel Rashbi. Unfortunately, it is no longer within my ability to do that. I am therefore turning to you with a wholehearted request for you to open your own hearts and help support this makom Torah that is the essence of my life.”

A few years later, I had the privilege of visiting Rav Bergman in his home. He shared his memories of his parents and his childhood, mentioning that his brother had been killed by an Arab at Kever Rochel while visiting the site along with Rav Meir Tzvi and his father. He also spoke about his encounters with the Chazon Ish, with whom he had a close relationship. Rav Bergman, who slept in the Chazon Ish’s home, revealed that the Chazon Ish did not allow him to go to bed at nights; he was required to learn until he could no longer hold his head up. The Chazon Ish once said to his father, Rav Moshe Bergman, “Your son Meir Tzvi was here, and I was pleased with his quick and clear understanding. May he continue learning in this fashion and be very successful.”

Rav Bergman recently said to a bar mitzvah boy, “I will give you a brocha for the greatest thing in the world—siyata d’shmaya!”

I asked him if the Chazon Ish was truly as frail as the stories indicate, and he replied, “He was even weaker.”

I tried pressing him for more stories about the Chazon Ish, but he demurred. “It is beyond my ability to speak about him,” he said. I also tried asking him to speak about his father-in-law, Rav Shach, and he said, “He, too, was beyond my comprehension.” I went on to ask him about my encounter with him at the airport in New York and why he had been alone, without an attendant or companion. “Why would I need a companion?” he asked.

“To help you in America,” I suggested.

Rav Bergman dismissed the idea. “Wherever I go, there is always someone who comes to provide transportation and to assist me, and everything works out. I already have a budget of over two million dollars a year,” he added.

“But what about having someone with you as a sign of honor or respect?” I asked.

Rav Bergman replied sharply, “If I use the yeshiva’s money for my own honor, I fear that I would be guilty of appropriating consecrated funds and committing meilah!”