A revealing interview by the Israeli Yated Ne’eman with MK Moshe Gafni, combined with a week of political drama in Yerushalayim, exposed the growing fractures within Israel’s governing coalition, the escalating battle over the draft law, and the increasingly volatile atmosphere surrounding the country’s legal and political institutions. From threats of early elections to a dramatic State Comptroller vote and growing tensions between the government and the Attorney General, the past week offered a glimpse into a political system that appears to be moving steadily toward a new electoral showdown. Matzav.com presented portions of the interview, which was conducted in Hebrew.

Speaking shortly after the State Comptroller election, Gafni left little doubt that the relationship between the chareidi parties and their traditional coalition partners has fundamentally changed. During the interview, a Likud staffer approached him to coordinate a vote against an opposition bill. Gafni’s response was telling.

“We’re in the opposition,” he said.

When reminded that he had just voted for Michael Ravilo, the coalition-backed candidate for State Comptroller, Gafni dismissed the suggestion that the vote reflected continued loyalty to the coalition.

“There’s no connection. We’re not part of the coalition bloc and we vote on every issue individually.”

The exchange perfectly captured the current reality facing Degel HaTorah and much of the chareidi political leadership. The automatic alliance with the broader right-wing bloc is no longer being taken for granted.

Gafni confirmed that he supported Ravilo’s candidacy and explained the decision in simple terms.

“He is observant, so it was natural for us to vote for him.”

Asked whether Netanyahu had personally lobbied him before the vote, Gafni denied that any such discussion had taken place.

The conversation quickly turned to the issue dominating chareidi public life: the draft crisis and the growing number of yeshivah students facing possible arrest.

Gafni defended his recent directive instructing chareidi municipal representatives to suspend cooperation with police authorities. He rejected suggestions that the move had been impulsive or emotional.

“This didn’t come to me off the cuff,” he said. “Our representatives have close and productive relationships with police district commanders and local commanders on community matters and issues unique to the chareidi public. The moment the police say that part of their job is to arrest and imprison Torah learners, we will not cooperate with them.”

He stressed that many of the cooperative efforts between local officials and police are performed voluntarily and argued that continuing such relationships under current circumstances would be impossible.

Asked whether the directive had produced tangible results, Gafni suggested that it had.

“First of all, I did what needed to be done. It was a necessity. They attacked me in the Knesset, but I stood my ground. Regarding your question, there has definitely been an impact from the letter I wrote, but I’m not getting into that right now. When everything is finalized, I’ll discuss it publicly.”

According to Gafni, dissatisfaction with the policy extends beyond the chareidi community itself. He claimed that many senior police officials privately oppose the current approach because it damages years of trust-building between law enforcement and religious communities.

Looking ahead, Gafni issued a stark warning about the consequences of continued pressure on the chareidi public.

“They are creating a chareidi uprising,” he said. “That is ultimately what will happen. If you continue restricting the public in every area of life, it becomes a dictatorship, and it will lead to a chareidi uprising. We pay taxes and live here. If we are not allowed to live under all these decrees in every sphere of life, there will be an uprising. That is where this is leading.”

The possibility of early elections also featured prominently in the interview. Gafni made clear that his party sees little value in a Knesset that cannot pass legislation protecting Torah learners.

“As far as we are concerned, elections should happen as soon as possible. If the Knesset does not pass the draft law, then from our perspective it is not worth much. That is why we support early elections, as we were instructed to do.”

Although Netanyahu continues trying to advance draft legislation, Gafni indicated that the chareidi parties have effectively stepped back from those efforts.

“He is trying, and I know he is trying. But we are no longer involved, based on the instructions we received. We are not asking him for anything anymore.”

Perhaps the most revealing moment came when Gafni was asked how committed his party remains to the traditional right-wing bloc.

“Quite literally,” he replied. “The bloc, from our perspective, is a bloc of those who uphold Torah and mitzvos and the value of Torah study. Whoever wants can join us. We are not joining anyone anymore.”

The veteran lawmaker also addressed criticism that the chareidi parties made a strategic error at the beginning of the government by prioritizing judicial reform rather than securing draft legislation first.

“There were different circumstances then,” he said. “No one believed or anticipated what would happen with the judicial reform. Perhaps there should have been accompanying measures like an override clause. But that no longer matters. Something like that will not happen again.”

Gafni also expressed concern about what he described as organized efforts to suppress chareidi voter turnout. According to him, outside activists are investing significant resources into campaigns aimed at convincing religious voters that their representatives have failed.

“The number of seats held by Degel HaTorah and by the chareidi parties generally will be critically important,” he said. “Their goal is to harm everything connected to the chareidi public and, of course, to win the elections. They are investing enormous amounts of money and operating through internal channels as well.”

He claimed that some individuals inside the community have been recruited to assist those efforts.

“You can see fingerprints in the posters and videos being distributed. There are internal people who took money and sold themselves. I hope the public will not fall for this campaign.”

Asked whether he fears losing seats, Gafni replied simply, “I very much hope the public will not be persuaded.”

Reflecting on his long political career, Gafni described the current period as the most difficult he has ever witnessed.

“This is the hardest period by far. The public became accustomed, rightly so, to a certain standard of living, and now almost every area is being harmed. Institutions, budgets, daycare centers, education, municipal tax benefits—everything is being affected. There are additional matters we are dealing with that we are not even discussing publicly.”

He also confirmed plans to advance Basic Law: Torah Study, legislation that has sat dormant for years.

“I initiated it. The faction signed it. It remained frozen because people argued it could interfere with the draft law. Now that the draft law is not moving and arrests have begun, I asked whether it should be brought forward. Shas also requested it. The Gedolei Torah instructed me to advance it, and it will be brought next week.”

According to Gafni, the legislation is intended to serve as a counterbalance to legal doctrines centered on equality.

“The law is meant to be a counterweight to the principle of equality as a value in its own right. The Attorney General will probably try to strike it down as well, but we are making every effort.”

Toward the end of the interview, Gafni voiced his strongest criticism yet of the coalition partners who signed agreements with the chareidi parties but failed to deliver.

“They signed coalition agreements. They received everything they wanted. When the time came to fulfill their commitments, not only did they fail to do so, but they cooperated with the Attorney General and the media in ways that made a solution more difficult.”

His conclusion was blunt.

“I am very disappointed in this partnership and in their silence. They are responsible for the fact that there is no law. They should not come afterward with complaints.”

The interview came amid growing criticism of Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara, who has become a central figure in many of the government’s political battles. Critics argue that she has repeatedly obstructed government initiatives, including appointments, judicial reforms, and matters related to the draft law.

Those tensions intensified further after the government suffered another setback in its effort to remove her. Meanwhile, supporters of the Attorney General insist she is simply carrying out her legal responsibilities and protecting the rule of law.

Another major political story this week was the dramatic election of Michael Ravilo as State Comptroller.

Initially, former Supreme Court Justice Yosef Elron appeared positioned for victory. In the first round of voting, Elron received 60 votes compared to 57 for Ravilo. The opposition needed only one additional vote to secure an outright victory.

But Netanyahu refused to concede defeat.

After personally intervening and lobbying wavering lawmakers, he managed to reverse the outcome. In the second round, Ravilo prevailed by a vote of 61 to 57.

The victory was viewed by Netanyahu’s supporters as proof that reports of the coalition’s collapse may be exaggerated. Critics, however, argued that the election exposed deeper problems involving political pressure and the secrecy of parliamentary voting.

The result also highlighted a broader shift inside Netanyahu’s leadership style.

For years, critics accused him of appointing individuals who later turned against him. Recent appointments suggest he is now determined to place trusted allies in key positions.

Supporters argue that figures such as David Zini, Roman Gofman, Doron Cohen, Shmuel Ben Ezra, and now Ravilo possess the necessary qualifications and experience for their respective roles. Opponents contend that personal loyalty has become a central consideration.

Either way, Netanyahu appears increasingly committed to shaping the country’s institutions with appointments that reflect his worldview.

The political spotlight also remains fixed on the opposition, where Gadi Eisenkot continues to emerge as a potential challenger to Netanyahu.

Polls suggest Eisenkot has steadily gained ground and may eventually surpass Naftali Bennett among voters seeking an alternative to the current government.

His supporters portray him as thoughtful, responsible, and statesmanlike. Yet questions remain about whether those qualities alone are enough to defeat one of Israel’s most formidable political campaigners.

Unlike Netanyahu, whose political career has been defined by relentless campaigning and constant engagement, Eisenkot projects a quieter image. Admirers see maturity and seriousness. Skeptics see a lack of urgency.

That debate is likely to intensify as election season approaches.

Meanwhile, speculation about opposition mergers continues to dominate political discussions. Bennett and Yair Lapid have repeatedly called for broader alliances, while Eisenkot and Avigdor Lieberman have been more cautious.

Political history offers mixed lessons. While mergers can strengthen parties near the electoral threshold, larger unions sometimes blur ideological identities and drive voters elsewhere.

For that reason, some analysts believe separate campaigns followed by post-election coalition-building may ultimately prove more effective than grand pre-election alliances.

Whatever path emerges, one reality is becoming increasingly clear: Israel’s political system is moving rapidly toward a decisive moment.

The coalition is under strain. The draft crisis continues to deepen. Legal battles are escalating. Political alliances are shifting.

And with elections up ahead, every major player is already positioning for the fight ahead.

{Matzav.com}