When Trump Talks Tough, Israel Feels the Heat

Some people in the United States may be amused by the style of the statements emerging from the White House, and others may let the president’s remarks slide past them. Donald Trump is 80 years old, bli ayin hara, and the United States is 250 years old, and every day brings yet another comment or “tweet” from the president that may evoke chuckles or snorts from some quarters—but not for anyone here in Israel. From our standpoint, it isn’t amusing at all. When Trump announces that the gates of Gehinnom are about to open for Iran, Israelis began cleaning out their bomb shelters to prepare them for imminent use. And when he announces that a peace deal with Iran will be signed the following day, half the people in Israel buy tickets for vacations in Greece or Italy. His statements are a matter of life or death for Israel.

My own experience is a telling example. Last week, I spent a few days in America. I had a return ticket for an El Al Flight last Tuesday, and on Monday night, when we heard about the escalation with Iran and Trump’s threats, I had to find out if my flight would be departing on time—if at all. A few words from Trump have the potential to close Israel’s skies and to open the country’s bomb shelters. And now that there is much talk of an agreement between America and Iran, Israelis have begun to fear that it will come at their expense.

Meanwhile, the situation  in northern Israel was heating up. Hezbollah was continuing to fire missiles, without much concern or consideration for the ceasefire, while Israeli soldiers in Lebanon and civilians in the north feel threatened. Mayors of cities in the north decried the apathy of the government and the army, and Netanyahu decided in response to hold a special cabinet meeting in the city of Nof Hagalil. The meeting was held last Thursday, and Netanyahu decided that he had good news for the north, informing them that the government had approved an aid package for the region: “The Prime Minister’s Office, in collaboration with the Ministry of Finance, other government ministries, and heads of local governments in the cities of the Galilee—Tzefas, Acco, Nof Hagalil, Nazareth, Afula, Teveria, and Carmiel—formulated a development plan for the north in every area—transportation, the economy, employment, education, health care, personal security, and culture. The goal is to strengthen the cities of the north. The government unanimously approved the proposal from Prime Minister Netanyahu and Finance Minister Smotrich for a development plan for the years 2026 through 2030, with a cost of about 4 billion shekels. The measure complements the government decision approved the previous week for aid for the frontline communities along the northern border, which allocated approximately 18 billion shekels for that purpose.”

Netanyahu added, “In a joint effort, we are bringing a massive aid package to the cities of Nof Hagalil, Acco, Carmiel, Tzefas, Afula, Nazareth, and Teveria. We are giving them a huge boost and strong supplemental aid that will spur their development and growth. That is our vision. Everyone understands that this is a sacred national endeavor of the highest priority. I love the Galil; it is an integral part of our homeland, and we must preserve and develop it. We will repeat in the north what we did in the south. We will restore security to the north, which will flourish more than ever before.”

Most Detainees in Sohlberg Case Cleared of Suspicion

It should be self-evident that violence is deplorable. Decades ago, the chareidi author and expert on hashkofah Rabbi Moshe Shonfeld wrote an article titled “Violence Is a Foreign Growth in Our Camp.” At the time, everyone knew that he wrote upon instructions from the Steipler Gaon and Rav Shach. Someone once asked him how he always managed to intuit the views of the gedolei Yisroel, and he replied, “It’s very simple. I go out into the street and hear what people are saying, and then I write the opposite.” As the old saying has it, daas Torah is the opposite of the daas of baalebatim.

Let it be made clear, then, that the chareidi world deplores violence and riots. At the same time, they also abhor the hypocrisy of the judiciary, the media, and the politicians. When Leftist Kaplan protestors, who demonstrate against the government, block roads and bring traffic to a standstill, they are tolerated, forgiven, and even applauded. The attorney general defended them by explaining, “There can be no protest without disruption to the public order.” Yet when chareidim block roads, they are beaten mercilessly by the police. The judicial system shows understanding and tolerance for leftists, while chareidim are arrested and prosecuted for the same actions.

By way of example, take a look at the most recent protests in which chareidi demonstrators blocked highways. The police responded with brutality. And then there was the protest outside the home of Justice Noam Sohlberg in Alon Shvut on June 3, which was followed by the arrests of 63 demonstrators. Why were they arrested? Because that is what the police wanted to do! And the judges approved extending their arrests—again, simply because they so desired. Were there grounds to believe that all these people were guilty of crimes such as trespassing or damaging private property? Not at all! But when the demonstrators are chareidim, no one is concerned about the facts. Indeed, a week later, almost all the suspects were released, since there was no evidence of any criminal activity on their parts. This week, only four of the suspects were indicted, and they face charges of trespassing and disturbance of the public order.

Reading the list of charges, one cannot be certain whether to laugh or cry: “At approximately 8:20 p.m., the vehicles reached the community of Alon Shvut, and the passengers emerged and began marching toward the house, directed by a person whose identity is not known to prosecutors. Dozens of people, at least, then gathered around the house and began shouting ‘Gevald!’ among other things. As a result, the Sohlbergs were forced to lock the doors of the house. After the crowd arrived at the house, a violent riot began, whose purpose was to deter Justice Sohlberg from his decisions as a judge on the petitions regarding the conscription of yeshiva students. The rioters broke the front windshield of the car belonging to Meira, the judge’s wife, and tried to break into the house as well. Many notices were scattered in their yard with Justice Sohlberg’s photograph and the caption, ‘Mr. Sohlberg, remove your hands from the persecution of chareidi Jewry.’ Blue and white flags with swastikas were also thrown into the street. In addition, a neighbor was assaulted during the incident, and his yarmulke was removed from his head for a period of time. Some of the neighbors thought that a security incident was taking place and entered their protected spaces. During the violent riot, defendants 1 and 2 entered the parking area with the goal of intimidating, insulting, instigating a fight, or committing a crime.”

Some aspects of this story sound preposterous. Did the neighbors really mistake a crowd of men in Yerushalmi garb for terrorists? The charges certainly seem weak and forced, yet 63 people were held in jail for over a week on this basis.

I will therefore reiterate my opening comment: We all deplore violence, and the way of the extremists from Mea Shearim is not our way, but we must also be equally opposed to hypocrisy. And in this case, the hypocrisy of the police and the courts is glaring.

The Witch Hunt Continues

The biased, politicized judicial system of the State of Israel is continuing its sordid work. Everyone knows that Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara is viciously persecuting everyone associated with Netanyahu, but last week she set a new record. A long time ago, Eli Feldstein and Ari Rosenfeld were indicted on charges of leaking a military document to the German newspaper Bild. The two men allegedly committed the act in collaboration with Yonasan Urich, the prime minister’s media advisor. It was also allegedly done with the prime minister’s knowledge, with the goal of proving that it was Egypt, rather than Qatar, that was responsible for obstructing the negotiations for the release of the hostages in Gaza. Urich was the target of a monthslong investigation into the allegations that he was a spy for Qatar, but that investigation recently died with a whimper. Throughout those months, he was kept in detention, and even when he was released, he was prohibited to meet with the prime minister or to visit his office. As I said, this is pure political persecution.

Last week, the prosecution announced that they were amending the charges against Feldstein and Rosenfeld and adding Urich as a third defendant. According to the revised charges, Urich is accused of transferring classified information with the intent of damaging state security, transferring classified information (a separate criminal charge), holding classified information, and destroying evidence. The witnesses for the prosecution include former Shin Bet director Ronen Bar and former Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi. Since the investigative materials are required to be disclosed when an indictment is filed, it was revealed this week that the two witnesses claimed that the leak exposed a source of intelligence and thereby caused harm to national security.

The announcement from the state prosecution drew sharp reactions from politicians on the right and from legal experts. The state seems to have crossed every imaginable red line in its witch hunt against Urich (and, in fact, anyone else who has worked in the Prime Minister’s Office). As soon as Urich was added to the indictment, the prosecution asked for restrictions to be placed on him once again regarding interactions with Netanyahu, after those same restrictions were recently lifted. The judge rejected the prosecution’s request and refused to place any restrictions on Urich at this time.

Blatant Hypocrisy in the Knesset

On the subject of hypocrisy, here is a flagrant example of politicized double standards: Last Wednesday, Erez Malul was sworn in to the Knesset. Malul is a former member of the Knesset who received his seat under the Norwegian Law and was forced to leave the Knesset when the Shas ministers stepped down from their positions. He has now returned to the Knesset in the wake of Moshe Arbel’s resignation. Malul was greeted warmly upon his return, but he also received some derisive responses from certain vocal lawmakers, mainly from Labor and Yesh Atid, who scoffed at the phenomenon of legislators joining the Knesset shortly before it dissolves. They pointed out acerbically that he was essentially stepping into the role for only two months and hinted that his real reason might be the salary and car that come along with the job. The thinly veiled implication was that Malul is essentially receiving a salary without working for it and thus squandering public funds.

But let’s take apart their claims. For one thing, what makes his salary any different from theirs? Are they more entitled to a salary when the Knesset is in recess simply because they have been there for longer? Moreover, Malul did not receive a newly created job; he simply took over for Arbel after the latter’s resignation. The Knesset is therefore not expending more money on his monthly salary; it has simply transferred Moshe Arbel’s salary to him. What, then, is the problem?

But this display of hypocrisy didn’t end there. Two day later, Yesh Atid itself jubilantly announced that a new member of the Knesset would be taking over the seat held by Boaz Toporovsky, who had just decided to resign. Boaz was a hardworking, serious lawmaker who took it upon himself to address the scourge of traffic accidents in Israel. As a student, he regularly attended activities offered by Nefesh Yehudi, an organization run by the Wolfson family and headed by Rav Eli Ilani. This week, Oz Chaim of Beer Sheva was sworn in to replace him, and Yesh Atid issued an announcement welcoming him to the Knesset. Now, what made it suddenly all right for a new MK to join the lawmakers’ ranks? What about the “free” salary that he will be receiving at the taxpayers’ expense while the Knesset is in recess? The party’s hypocrisy is utterly glaring.

Something else that hovers somewhere between the hypocritical and the bizarre is a letter written by Merav Michaeli, another member of the Knesset who will no longer be here in the 26th Knesset, against the food vouchers distributed to needy families on Aryeh Deri’s initiative. Michaeli wrote to the attorney general with a demand to halt the upcoming distribution of vouchers. Although her letter doesn’t mention the Shas party by name, she refers to the initiative as the flagship project of one of the parties in the Knesset, and she claims that the program violates the legal ban on distributing gifts during an election period. She also claims that the program was tailored for the chareidi sector, with criteria chosen to benefit chareidim.

Regarding her second claim, I do not believe that it is possible today to design criteria for a welfare program that will benefit one specific sector of the population more than others. In any event, the Ministry of Finance responded, “The financial aid will be distributed, as on previous occasions, through the Welfare Ministry and under guidelines that will serve the population of welfare recipients and needy families suffering from food insecurity alone.” But even if Michaeli was right about the program benefiting chareidi families exclusively—which, again, she is not—why does it bother her if needy chareidim receive food vouchers? Doesn’t every poor person deserve government aid? Besides, this distribution of vouchers has been in the works for many months. Is it Aryeh Deri’s fault—or the fault of the needy recipients—that Israeli bureaucracy manages to hamstring everyone and everything and put the project on hold for a long period of time? Above all, does Michaeli really think that all state funding should be put on hold during an election season? In fact, the Finance Committee is currently in the process of approving benefits for the residents of Yehuda and Shomron; would anyone think that those benefits should be halted since they can be interpreted as “gifts” from the Religious Zionism party for its voters? Is there any limit to the absurdity?

In my opinion, the problem is very simple: The pampered members of the upper class in Tel Aviv and the surrounding areas can never understand what it means for a family to struggle to put food on the table. And their myopia leads them to dismiss critical financial aid as an election campaign stunt.

The Election and Rav Ovadiah’s Yahrtzeit

Like it or not, the election is drawing closer. To be honest, though, we have now discovered that all the fuss about an early election was unfounded. If the election is moved up, it will be only by a margin of a couple of days, and in any event, it seems unlikely that the date will be changed at all. It is most probable that the election will be held on its original date—the 16th of Cheshvan 5787/October 27, 2026. The Shas party, however, wouldn’t mind if the election is moved two weeks earlier, to October 13, which falls on the 2nd of Cheshvan. They have a unique consideration: The third day of Cheshvan is Rav Ovadiah Yosef’s yahrtzeit, and that timing would surely improve the party’s performance in the election.

Meanwhile, the polls are receiving much more attention now, and what is amazing—or perhaps not all that amazing, when you think about it—is that the merger between Bennett and Lapid has failed to advance their standing and even seems to have worked against them. Everyone knew that Lapid’s party was sinking, but the polls have shown that the two parties together are continuing to lose ground. Meanwhile, Gadi Eizenkot’s party, Yashar, has been steadily improving. Bennett and Lapid repeatedly begged Eizenkot to join them, but now he is able to laugh at them and suggest that the tables have turned, and that they need him much more than he needs them. The Likud party has recently begun attacking Eizenkot, in a deliberate bid to frame him as the centrist candidate and thus to diminish the perceived importance of Lapid, Bennett, and Lieberman as well. They have good reason to try to boost Eizenkot’s party: He is the only candidate who hasn’t announced that he would never sit in a government with Netanyahu. That isn’t to say that we can trust either Lapid or Bennett to be true to their word and refuse to sit with Netanyahu, but there is no question that the political right would prefer a candidate who won’t even make such a statement. It is quite possible that there will be a correction period after the election and that Eizenkot will veer to the right. Even now, Eizenkot is declaring that he is part of the right (and certainly not the left), since he is looking for right-wing votes.

It is still a bit early for a full overview of the political map and the various parties gearing up for the election. That will have to wait another week or two, at which point we will probably have more knowledge. In broad terms, I can tell you that the polls seem to indicate a deadlock between the two blocs. On one side is the right-wing, pro-Netanyahu bloc consisting of the Likud, the chareidi parties, Betzalel Smotrich’s party, and Itamar Ben-Gvir’s party; the latter two, incidentally, will probably run on a combined slate, mainly because Smotrich fears that he will not pass the electoral threshold. On the other side, in the left-wing or pro-change bloc, there are many other parties, including Gadi Eizenkot’s party, the combined slate of Bennett and Lapid, Avigdor Lieberman’s party, the Democrats, the Arabs, and the party headed by Benny Gantz, which will probably not cross the electoral threshold. But when the polls predict an impasse, they count Lieberman, who is actually right-wing, as part of the anti-Netanyahu bloc, as well as the Arabs, who really should have been left out of the game. The reality, as everyone knows, is that the right wing has a strong majority in Israel.

Netanyahu Displeased with Party Slate

Prime Minister Netanyahu has expressed interest in abolishing the primaries in the Likud party. His reason: The current system makes it possible for “hitchhikers” to get a free ride into the Knesset by securing positions on the Likud slate that they don’t necessarily deserve. Anyone can form connections with a few of the most powerful Likud members, each of whom can net them a few thousand votes in the primaries, and then can coast to a seat in the Knesset. The facts are undeniable: There are a number of MKs in the Likud party today whose presence is nothing to boast about, including some who completely disregard every decision made by the party. This was apparent in the recent vote over the Basic Law: Torah Study, when two members of the Likud party broke ranks and voted against it. One of those MKs was Dan Illouz, who sits on the rear benches of the Knesset and received his seat under the Norwegian Law; the other was Sharren Haskel, who previously left the Likud to join Gideon Saar and then returned to her original party. The same phenomenon took place when Yuli Edelstein decided to take his own stance on the draft law, ignoring Netanyahu and the decisions of his party.

To be sure, Netanyahu also has reserved slots on the party slate, which gives him the right to place several candidates in realistic positions on the list. It is reported that he has already chosen a few of those candidates, including Gal Hirsch, the former Coordinator for Captives and Missing Persons, who is viewed as having been successful and is highly popular in Israel; Dedi Simchi, another widely respected figure and former head of Israel’s Fire and Rescue Service; Tali Gvili, the mother of police officer Ran Gvili, whose body was the last to be returned from captivity in Gaza; and Itzik Bonzel of the Gvura Forum organization, the father of fallen soldier Amit Bonzel.

But there is another side to the argument: Primaries are the most democratic system for compiling a party slate, and mistakes do happen in a democracy. Naturally, many in the Likud party are opposed to abolishing the primaries, certainly the tens of thousands of party members who pay membership dues that give them the right to vote in the party primaries. Of course, there is even stiffer opposition from the leaders of the large groups, including some chareidi figures, who wield control over everything that occurs in the party. Netanyahu, however, disagrees with them and wishes to give the Knesset list a “face lift,” which he views as crucial to a victory in the next election. In a closed-door conversation, Netanyahu reportedly said, “I’m not interested in a list of Knesset members who know how to win primaries. I’m interested primarily in people who can sway the public to follow them.” He has proposed having the candidates chosen by a selection committee instead of a primary election.

This week, however, the internal debate in the Likud came to an end when the Likud’s internal court unanimously rejected the requests to reopen debate over the issue, leaving its previous decision in place. In practice, that means that the Likud’s constitution would have to be altered for the primaries to be abolished. At the same time, the court prohibited the Likud Central Committee from discussing changes to the constitution or any other subject that is not directly related to the election. With the rejection of all requests for an additional discussion in the court, the committee was left with no practical way to abolish the primaries. In other words, the court has made it impossible on a practical level to eliminate the Likud primaries at this time.

Torah Study Law Approved in Knesset

Last Wednesday, the chareidi parties were able to feel a small degree of satisfaction when the Knesset approved the Basic Law: Torah Study by a large majority of 56 to 43. This made a very clear statement about the value of Torah learning as the force that sustains the world. The law, which contains only two clauses, is succinct yet significant. “Torah study is a foundational value in the heritage of the Jewish people,” it states. “The State of Israel, as a Jewish state, considers it supremely important to promote the study of the Torah and to encourage those who learn it. Regarding their rights and obligations, those who undertake to dedicate themselves to long-term Torah study shall be viewed as providing a significant service to the State of Israel and the Jewish people.” The memorandum accompanying the law includes a very similar sentence that infuriated many on the left: “It is likewise proposed that this Basic Law shall establish that those who undertake to dedicate themselves to Torah study for a significant period of time shall be viewed as providing a significant service to the State of Israel and the Jewish people, which will have an impact on their rights and duties.” When the law passed, cries of despair emanated from the benches of the left.

The law was written by three members of the Knesset from Degel HaTorah (Moshe Gafni, Yaakov Asher, and Yitzchok Pindrus), but all the chareidi members of the Knesset collaborated on the efforts to pass it. In fact, a version of this law was first placed on the table of the 20th Knesset by a large number of Knesset members from all the chareidi parties. The explanatory notes accompanying the bill that was passed this week make note of the fact that an identical bill was submitted in the 24th Knesset by Moshe Gafni and a group of Knesset members, and when I looked up that bill, I found that it, too, was a copy of a bill from the 20th Knesset attributed to Yoav Ben-Tzur, Moshe Gafni, and others, which was apparently the first version of the bill to be written. The bill submitted in the 20th Knesset was signed by ten Knesset members—four from Shas, three from Degel HaTorah, two from Agudas Yisroel, and, incredibly, Betzalel Smotrich!

The vote was conducted by roll call, and as the names of the Knesset members were read, screams pierced the air in the chamber. Cries of unfathomable despair echoed from the benches of the opposition, while the chareidim loudly decried the members of the Likud who voted against the bill. When the law passed, the chareidim rejoiced. Admittedly, it will probably make no difference on a practical level, but even a declarative measure can be significant.

Media Warns of “Chareidi Legislative Blitz”

On a similar note, I came across a newspaper article that warned ominously of an impending “chareidi legislative blitz.” The writer claimed that Netanyahu is willing to give in to any chareidi demand to pass a new law in order to ensure that the elections will be held at the designated time and no sooner. “In recent days, a chareidi legislative blitz has taken place,” the article explained. “The chareidim are constantly making new demands and receiving anything they want, solely to continue the Knesset’s current term. The Basic Law: Torah Study passed its preliminary reading yesterday; the chareidim have advanced this law to offset the principle of equality, so that if a draft exemption law is passed in the future, they can argue in the Supreme Court that even if it violates equality, it dovetails with a different basic principle of the state—the value of Torah study.”

The article goes on to bring two more examples of the supposed legislative blitz. The first is the day care law, which was recently approved in its first reading, and the second is the cancelation of Matan Kahana’s kashrus reform. That is all. Now, I am not certain that three laws can possibly qualify as a “blitz,” but in any event, none of those three laws is intended to introduce something new or to break the status quo. On the contrary, their purpose is to prevent erosion of the status quo on account of the battle against Torah and mitzvos. The Torah study law is a reaction to the past year’s vicious persecution of lomdei Torah, and the day care law is intended to remedy the draconian punishment and persecution of mothers and children. The third law, which abolishes Kahana’s kashrus reform, is merely meant to remove the ridiculous changes implemented by a pilot who was erroneously placed in the cockpit of the Ministry of Religious Affairs. But the writer of that article has framed the passage of these three laws as a legislative blitz, insinuating that the chareidim have suddenly developed an enormous appetite for new legislation.

This happens to remind me of the old joke about the man who arrived at a restaurant and tried to order a meal. Opening a menu, he chose a dish and informed a waiter of his decision, only to be told that that particular dish was out of stock. The customer chose another option, but the waiter informed him that it, too, was not available. He proceeded to go through the entire menu, only to be told after each selection that his chosen dish was out of stock that day. Finally, he reached the last item on the menu and said, “In that case, give me this.” The waiter shrugged and said, “We don’t have that item either.”

Suddenly, the restaurant owner’s voice echoed from the back of the room, “That man ordered everything on the menu? What a glutton!”

DIPI to Change Hands

Last week was a fairly stormy week in the Knesset. It is no secret that there is an ongoing power struggle between the Israeli judiciary and the government and Knesset, which led Justice Minister Yariv Levin to spearhead a judicial reform that was meant to include several laws that would curb the power of the Supreme Court. Levin’s reform sparked unrest in the streets, led to massive demonstrations, and prompted the judges to dig in their heels. Levin was taken aback and halted the reform; at the same time, he has refused to recognize Yitzchok Amit as chief justice of the Supreme Court, he has stalled the appointments of new judges, and he has made every other possible effort to advance his plans. Last week, a new law was advanced in the Knesset that would split the position of attorney general into two posts, with one individual heading the state prosecution while another serves as legal advisor to the government.

Another bill that is part of the ongoing struggle between these two branches of government concerns removing the Department of Internal Police Investigations from the authority of the state prosecution and subordinating it directly to the minister of justice. The law received its final approval late on Wednesday night last week. This bill, which was prepared by a joint committee of the Knesset’s Constitution and National Security Committees, was introduced by MK Moshe Saada (Likud), who previously served as deputy director of the DIPI. Under the law, the justice minister will reestablish the department within his ministry as an independent body separate from the state attorney’s office, and the DIPI will be subject to the minister’s authority on both an administrative and a budgetary level. In addition, all the department’s workers will be civilians (until now, most were officers borrowed from the police force) who will receive full access to all police intelligence and case management systems, subject to rules to be determined by the police commissioner in conjunction with the director of the DIPI.

As part of the separation of the DIPI from the prosecution and the attorney general’s office, all the powers currently held by the attorney general or state prosecutor regarding criminal charges against police officers, including the power to suspend judicial proceedings against a police officer, will be transferred to the head of the DIPI. At the same time, the DIPI will remain subject to the general rules issued by the attorney general and the state prosecutor. The director of the DIPI will be a retired judge appointed by a committee and will work alongside another former judge, either from the Supreme Court or from the District Court, responsible for overseeing coordination. This judge, too, will be appointed by a committee headed by the director-general of the Ministry of Justice, who will be subject to the minister’s authority. His job will be to determine the order of priorities for investigations.

This is a serious blow to the staff of the Justice Ministry and essentially represents a vote of no confidence in its current functioning. In an address to the Israel Bar Association, Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara asserted that this law and the efforts to split the position of attorney general have the same purpose: to exert political control over law enforcement and criminal justice institutions. She also opined that the passage of the laws will completely change the character of the law enforcement system in Israel: Instead of independent law enforcement, the country will be subject to law enforcement that is deeply influenced by political interests and the needs of the government and its ministers. Of course, she expressed vehement opposition to the law and insisted that it is unconstitutional, but the Knesset has already had its say. We will have to wait to see how the Supreme Court reacts to the law. As you may have guessed, the court has already received petitions against it.