This week, in Parshas Shelach, we learn about the saga of the meraglim, which is one of the most tragic episodes in the Torah. Standing at the border of Eretz Yisroel, the Jewish people, who had experienced Yetzias Mitzrayim, Krias Yam Suf, and the many nissim in the midbar, were poised to enter the land promised to their forefathers. The journey from Mitzrayim was nearly complete. Yet, instead of moving forward with confidence, the nation was overcome by fear, and an entire generation lost the opportunity to enter the Land.

They sent meraglim to scout out the land, and the meraglim returned with a frightening report. They reported facts as they saw them. Much of what they said was true. The cities were fortified. The inhabitants were powerful. The challenges were real. But their mission was a historic failure, for which we still pay the price until this very day. At the root of their failure was that they viewed everything during their mission through a lens of negativity.

Where they should have seen opportunity, they saw danger. Where they should have seen Hashem’s promise, they saw obstacles. Where they should have seen a land flowing with milk and honey, they saw imposing giants and fortified cities they believed they would not be able to capture.

Yehoshua and Koleiv saw the same landscape, the same cities, and the same giants as the other ten shluchim. Yet, they came to an entirely different conclusion. While the other meraglim focused on obstacles, Yehoshua and Koleiv focused on possibilities.

Where the meraglim saw reasons for despair, Yehoshua and Koleiv saw reasons for confidence. Most importantly, while the other meraglim measured the situation according to human limitations, Yehoshua and Koleiv viewed it through the prism of emunah, through the knowledge that Hashem had promised this land to them and told them that it was good. For centuries, the bnei Avrohom, Yitzchok and Yaakov had looked forward to meriting entry into the land.

The difference between them was not what they saw. The difference was how they saw it.

This lesson that we learn from this sorry experience extends far beyond the events of the desert. Life presents each of us with challenges, disappointments, and uncertainties. Every day, each of us is presented with a choice. We can choose to focus on what is wrong, on what we lack, and on the difficulties we face, or we can focus on what is right. We can look for the good, and recognize and appreciate blessings. We can see problems or we can see the opportunities that are hidden in every situation.

The negative approach is often easier. Complaints come naturally. Criticism requires little effort. Finding fault in people and circumstances can become a habit. But the Torah teaches us through the story of the meraglim that such a mindset can distort reality itself. When a person constantly searches for what is wrong, that is all he sees.

This applies not only to how we view events, but also to how we view other people. Every person has shortcomings. Every person makes mistakes. If we search for faults, we will certainly find them. And if we search for virtues, strengths, and the goodness that exists within every Jew, we will find that as well.

Everything that occurs is guided by Hashem. Even when we do not understand His plan, we know that He is directing the world with wisdom and kindness. The meraglim saw challenges and assumed disaster. Yehoshua and Koleiv saw those same challenges and trusted that Hashem’s purpose was ultimately for their benefit.

Positivity does not mean pretending that difficulties do not exist. The Torah does not ask us to ignore reality. Rather, positivity means refusing to allow difficulties to define reality. It means recognizing challenges while also recognizing Hashem’s ability to help us overcome them. It means viewing challenges as nisyonos, placed there to test us and provide impetus for self-improvement and aliyah.

A positive person lives a fundamentally different life than a negative one.

Negative people tend to become trapped by their circumstances. Every setback becomes a disaster. Every disappointment becomes a reason for discouragement. Every challenge appears larger than it really is. Their focus on problems drains their energy and clouds their judgment.

Positive people are not immune to difficulties, but they approach them differently. Because of their emunah and bitachon, they know that solutions are always possible and they search for them. Because they ask for and anticipate Hashem’s help, they maintain hope despite the situation. Their outlook gives them the strength to persevere where others give up.

This is true in our relationships as well.

When we focus on the faults of others, resentment grows. Every interaction becomes an opportunity for criticism. Small imperfections become magnified until they overshadow all the good that exists.

But when we make an effort to notice the strengths of others, our relationships flourish. A spouse feels appreciated. A child gains confidence. Friends feel valued. Communities become stronger. Looking for the good in people often brings out the good in them.

Many of the greatest leaders possessed this ability. They saw potential where others saw weakness. They recognized greatness hidden beneath flaws. They understood that encouragement accomplishes far more than constant criticism.

Positivity also transforms the way we experience life itself.

Every person receives countless gifts from Hashem each day—health, family, friendships, opportunities, and innumerable acts of Divine kindness. We can either focus on the good we have or on what is missing, what we would like to have but do not. By focusing on what is not good, we become downcast and sad, and we lose sight of the good that we have.

A positive perspective creates gratitude. Gratitude creates happiness. And happiness creates the emotional strength needed to navigate life’s inevitable challenges.

The Chovos Halevavos teaches that recognizing Hashem’s kindness is one of the foundations of avodas Hashem. A person who constantly notices blessings naturally develops a deeper appreciation for Hakadosh Boruch Hu, Who provides for them. Positivity is not merely a personality trait. It is a powerful form and indication of spiritual growth. The more Torah and mussar a person learns, the more spiritual he becomes, the closer he feels to Hashem, and the more he appreciates His goodness and kindness.

The consequences of the meraglim were so severe because their negativity did not remain confined to their own hearts. It spread throughout the camp. Fear became contagious. Discouragement became contagious. Despair became contagious. The people listened to them and became saddened, bemoaning their fate as they fretted about the future. Chazal (Taanis 29a) recount that Hashem chastened them for crying senseless tears and declared that He would give them something to cry about for generations to come. Indeed, we are still crying over the churban until this day. We are still suffering because of the sin of the meraglim.

My old friend, Rav Mordechai Simcha zt”l, was always a fountain of bright and witty comments. As a play on his name, he would often say, “Simcha is contagious.” Indeed, it is. Optimism is also contagious, as are confidence and bitachon. One person’s positive outlook can inspire an entire family, a community, or even a generation.

Take Reb Shalom Mordechai Rubashkin, for example. His faith inspired Klal Yisroel and still does. He had every reason to give up and accept his fate, and very few rational reasons to think that he would ever achieve vindication and freedom. Yet, because of his deep-seated emunah, he was able to view his situation differently. He viewed what he was going through as a nisayon, not as a fait accompli, and Hashem rewarded him. Klal Yisroel rejoiced with him when his faith was rewarded. His experience still serves as a chizuk to people experiencing periods of nisayon not to become traumatized and to maintain their faith that Hakadosh Boruch Hu is directing everything min haShomayim.

In every situation, we have a choice. We can be like the meraglim, searching for reasons why things cannot succeed. Or we can be like Yehoshua, Koleiv, and ehrliche Yidden throughout the ages, searching for reasons to trust, to hope, and to move forward.

The Torah’s message is not that life is easy. It is that life looks very different when viewed through the eyes of a maamin.

When we train ourselves to see the good in people, we become kinder. When we train ourselves to see the good in circumstances, we become stronger. When we train ourselves to see the good in our lives, we become happier. And when we train ourselves to see Hashem’s hand behind everything that happens, we discover a deeper sense of peace and purpose.

The meraglim saw giants and lost heart. Yehoshua and Koleiv saw Hashem and found courage.

Their lesson continues to guide us today: Look for the good. Focus on the blessings. Believe in the possibilities. Trust in Hashem. Very often, what we find depends on what we are looking for.

Gedolim often possessed an extraordinary ability to see the good in situations and in people where others saw only problems. Famous are the stories about Rav Levi Yitzchok of Berditchev. He was renowned for always finding merit in people.

Typical is the story told about the baal ha’agolah who was greasing the wheels of his wagon while wearing his tallis and tefillin. Most people would have been shocked by the apparent lack of respect. Rav Levi Yitzchok, however, looked heavenward and said, “Ribbono Shel Olam, see how precious Your children are. Even while occupied with their work, they refuse to separate themselves from mitzvos.”

Others saw a fault. He saw a virtue.

That was not naïveté. He was choosing to focus on what was admirable rather than what was lacking.

There are plenty of practical examples.

Two people lose a business opportunity. One spends months dwelling on what might have been. He becomes bitter and discouraged. The other is disappointed as well, but he believes that if Hashem closed one door, another will open. He moves forward and eventually discovers opportunities that he would never have found otherwise.

The external event is identical. The internal response changes everything.

The same is true in family life. A parent can focus on a child’s weaknesses and spend years being frustrated. Or he can focus on the child’s strengths and help the child blossom. Every experienced educator knows that children often become what others believe they can become. Positivity does not merely change how we see people. It changes how they see themselves.

We are currently in the season of Siddur and Chumash parties. I merited attending Chumash parties for two of my grandchildren recently, one last Sunday and one this Sunday. The pride the rabbeim took in their young charges was evident as they exuded positivity and joy, and the children, in turn, shone as they sang their songs, reviewed pesukim, and rose in their crowns to accept their Chumashim.

The confidence of the rebbi is reflected in the children, just as the light of the sun is reflected by the moon, brightening and casting light upon a dark night. Positivity and optimism are what enable us to succeed and thrive in a world that contains much darkness and sorrow.

Positivity is not simply about feeling happier. It is about seeing the world more accurately. The negative person sees only the obstacle and misses the opportunity. He sees the flaw and misses the virtue. He sees only today’s difficulty and misses tomorrow’s blessing. The positive person sees the challenge as well, but he also sees Hashem’s hand guiding events toward a purpose he may not yet understand.

We live in a time of hester, when Hashem is hidden, and we do not always see the brocha, but we must know that it is there and that we are not alone.

The meraglim were not ordinary people. Chazal teach that they were distinguished leaders, “roshei Bnei Yisroel.” Their failure reminds us that intelligence and greatness alone do not guarantee proper perspective. A person can be knowledgeable, accomplished, and sincere, yet still allow fear, bias, and negativity to distort his view of reality.

Yehoshua and Koleiv possessed something invaluable: the ability to see beyond the immediate nisayon and focus on the larger picture. They understood that the question was not whether there were giants in the land, but whether Hashem had promised them the land. With that attitude and perspective, everything else fell into place.

That remains one of the great challenges of life. We often become consumed by the “giants” in front of us—the problems, setbacks, worries, and uncertainties. We can spend so much time analyzing the obstacles that we lose sight of the blessings, opportunities, and Hashgocha Protis surrounding us.

A positive outlook rooted in emunah does not deny the existence of giants. It simply remembers that Hashem is bigger than the giants.

I have written previously about the time I was visiting my rebbi, Rav Avrohom Yehoshua Soloveitchik, and he inquired about the welfare of one of his talmidim. I told him, “Es geit em shver. He has it hard.” He quickly responded, “Bei di Ribono Shel Olam, iz gornit shver. Nothing is hard for Hashem.”

That has to be the way we view and deal with times of nisayon, when things are rough.

The meraglim foresaw tough battles ahead that could not be won. Thus, they saw a land that could not be conquered. Yehoshua and Koleiv did not let what they saw impress or frighten them, because they knew that bei di Ribono Shel Olam, iz gornit shver.

Yehoshua and Koleiv saw a future that could be achieved. Their vision built the future of Klal Yisroel. The people who leave the deepest impact on their families, communities, and friends are often those who have learned this lesson well. They are the ones who encourage rather than criticize, who look for strengths rather than weaknesses, who search for solutions rather than dwell on problems, and who remind others that no situation is beyond Hashem’s help.

In a world where negativity often comes easily, choosing to see the good may be one of the greatest forms of avodas Hashem. It allows us to appreciate Hashem’s blessings and face life’s challenges with confidence and serenity.

We do not merely live according to the world we see. To a large extent, we live according to the way we choose to see it. May we merit to view the world with the eyes of Yehoshua and Koleiv—eyes of faith, gratitude, optimism, and trust in Hashem.

Most of us are not going to be sent to scout a land before conquering it. But every day, we “spy out” the circumstances of our own lives. We look at our families, our communities, our finances, our health, our challenges, and our future. Then we decide what those facts mean.

The meraglim looked at facts and concluded, “We cannot do it.”

Yehoshua and Koleiv looked at the same facts and concluded, “With Hashem’s help, we can.”

That distinction exists in every generation.

The meraglim were not punished for seeing giants. There really were giants. They were punished for allowing the giants to become the whole story. They were punished for seeing themselves and their abilities as grasshoppers, “k’chagovim hoyinu b’eineihem.” They saw the obstacles and lost sight of Hashem. Yehoshua and Koleiv also saw the obstacles, but they saw them in the context of the larger reality of Hashem’s promise, Hashem’s protection, and Hashem’s plan.

Negativity often works the same way. It takes a difficulty and turns it into the entire picture. Positivity does not ignore the difficulty. It places it in its proper perspective.

Another angle is that negativity tends to be self-fulfilling. The generation that said, “We cannot enter the land,” ultimately did not enter the land. Yehoshua and Koleiv, who believed they could, did.

A person who constantly says, “I can’t,” “It won’t work,” or, “Nothing ever changes,” often stops trying. A person who says, “This is difficult, but with siyata diShmaya it can be done,” will persevere until he succeeds.

Positive people often feel better, accomplish more, build stronger relationships, inspire others, and navigate hardships more effectively because they are not paralyzed by pessimism. For someone who knows that Hashem runs the world, that He loves His children, and that everything He does has purpose, optimism is not wishful thinking. It is a natural consequence of faith.

The meraglim looked at Eretz Yisroel and asked, “How can we possibly succeed?”

Yehoshua and Koleiv looked at Eretz Yisroel and asked, “If Hashem wants us there, how can we not succeed?”

Those two questions continue to shape the way people approach life today.

The situation in Eretz Yisroel is not simple. There are many problems, both internal and external. The Torah community is being targeted as never before and finds itself in a matzav nora, a terribly serious situation.

Gedolei Yisroel traveled from there this week to inspire and appeal to us to join them in their battle for Torah, to believe, to contribute, and to have the positivity and fortitude of faith, of emunah and bitachon, to do what we can to overcome the darkness of golus, and know that if we withstand the nisayon, we will merit the geulah sheleimah bekarov.

Last week, in these pages, we discussed the very concerning proliferation of divorce in our community and, more generally, shalom bayis difficulties.

After all is said and done, it boils down to middos, basic middos, mentchlichkeit, transcending oneself and not thinking that the entire world is here to serve “me and my needs.”

The life of a single person, whether it is a bochur in a dormitory, a bochur in a dirah in Eretz Yisroel, or a girl who is busy with her own life, her own needs, and her own projects, is, in many ways, a very selfish life. Even the chesed one does is done when one chooses to do it and in the amount one chooses to do it.

Now, there are some maalos to being “selfish.” For example, when a bochur is young and decides that he wants to learn, really shteig, and become great in learning, there is selfishness in that too. “I want to become great. I want to know the entire Torah. I want to get the best Olam Haba possible. I want people to realize that I know Shas.”

Yes, the bochur might have come to the realization that Torah and ruchniyus are paramount, but only from the viewpoint that it is all about my Torah and my ruchniyus.

Stepping Out of the “Me” World

I once heard someone say that it is not possible to be an adolescent and not be selfish. What is adolescence? It is all about progressing from being a child to an adult. It is about forging your own identity. To do that, you must try to figure out who “I” am. Who is the “me” that I want to be? There is selfishness inherent in that journey.

And then comes a point where you have to go beyond the “me” that you are trying to become and think in broader terms. Those broader terms include thinking about what Hashem really wants from you—not just what you want from your avodas Hashem, but what Hashem wants from you…the entire you.

Often, during one’s teenage and young adulthood years, the real bein adam lachaveiro muscles, the real mentchlichkeit muscles, are not actually put to the test. They can get very flabby, very out of shape, without the person even realizing it.

After all, a bochur can think, “I am doing great. I learn during seder, and sometimes I even learn more than just the regular sedorim. I usually daven with a minyan. I try (most of the time) not to scream too loudly when my roommate is sleeping. I am doing okay.”

A girl may similarly pat herself on the back, thinking, “I am a good friend. I engage with friends all the time. I am gracious. I participate in chesed initiatives. I am pretty good.”

And, in truth, these thoughts are pretty good, but they are on your terms. They are the things you do when you are still baal habayis over your own time.

Marriage: A Middos Workshop

Marriage can be compared to a workshop on middos where you are not your own baal habayis for even a minute. Not only that, but you suddenly have to share your entire world—erev vavoker vetzohoroyim—with another person.

You might think that you are a good bochur or a good girl, but, in reality, you have never been tested. Not only that, but as accustomed as you are to being a good bochur or good girl, you do not really have much life experience in how to interact with a spouse. Yes, our spouses are different genders, are created differently, grew up in different homes, and speak a “different language.”

For example, it is not uncommon for one spouse to find something hilarious while the other does not find it even slightly amusing.

Recently, my friend’s daughter and son-in-law were discussing a story CD. My friend told me that his daughter remarked, “These recordings are not funny at all. They are really bochurishe humor.”

At the same time, her husband chimed in, “They are really funny!”

Everyone burst out laughing, but the point was made.

The Meraglim Were Great People, Right?

Now, before we return to the point, I would like to detour to this week’s parsha and the meraglim. There is a very important idea from the Chiddushei Harim regarding the meraglim. It is a vort about which a talmid of Rav Shlomo Wolbe quoted Rav Wolbe as saying that the way the Chiddushei Harim explained the sin of the meraglim is the way we are supposed to learn pshat in the sugya.

The Chiddushei Harim asked about the meraglim as follows: They were such great people, right? Rashi teaches us that the meraglim truly were great men. How, then, could they have fallen so precipitously?

The Chiddushei Harim answers his own question, saying that the meraglim were indeed great people who had very good intentions when they discouraged the Bnei Yisroel from entering Eretz Yisroel.

What were their good intentions? The meraglim saw how the Yidden in the midbar were living in an incomparable spiritual oasis. They were learning Torah from Moshe Rabbeinu. They were drinking water from the be’er of Miriam. They were eating monn, the most spiritual of foods, which not only did not bring them down as gashmiyus usually does, but actually elevated them to unprecedented heights. They had no worries, no tirdos of parnossah. In short, they were living the most idyllic, beautiful, spiritual life possible.

They were in the best yeshiva or kollel in the world. They had the best rebbi—Moshe Rabbeinu. The meraglim were worried. “What will happen when we go to Eretz Yisroel? We will have to engage in parnossah, the hard work of going out and making a living. We will be forced to eat regular, gashmiyusdige food. We will not have time to learn from Moshe Rabbeinu as we are doing now. Will Klal Yisroel really be able to have Hashem in mind while engaging in the mundane? Will they really be able to understand that, yes, even when someone is working, engaging in parnossah, and involved in the daily grind of working the fields, growing, harvesting, grinding, and interacting with vendors, middlemen, and customers, he can think about Hashem as well?”

The meraglim therefore put themselves in great danger, going so far as to risk losing their own Olam Haba and losing everything for what they thought was the benefit of Klal Yisroel.

Yes, they meant well, says the Chiddushei Harim, but they made one fundamental mistake. What was their mistake?

Our job, the Chiddushei Harim explained, is not to tell Hashem what is best for Him to do. Our job is to listen, whether we understand or not. Our job is not to give eitzos to Hashem. It is to listen and follow His instructions with temimus, even when it seems that we know better.

The school year is ending. The summer has finally arrived. For some, this means camp is looming ahead, for others the country and bungalow colonies. In any case, many have the magic word “vacation” on their lips. In my first ArtScroll sefer, Blueprints, I had the zechus to devote two chapters to Torah vacations and routines. However, since a few years have passed, Covid and some new realities about anti-Semitism and other things have changed the world, so perhaps this topic should be revisited with a new eye.

Although the present has changed drastically, the past remains the same. Our role models for how to vacation — Rav Chaim Ozer Grodzensky, Rav Shimon Shkop, Rav Boruch Ber Leibowitz and Rav Aharon Kotler — in the forest of Drozegnik for their dacha were deeply engrossed in learning, only surrounded this time by trees and in more comfortable chairs. As is well known, Rav Yisroel Neuman, one of the roshei yeshiva of Bais Medrash Govoah in Lakewood, simply takes his beloved shtender outside and continues his ceaseless hasmodah. My own rabbeim, Rav Yitzchok Hutner, Rav Aharon Schechter and Rav Yonasan David, continued to give shiurim and maamorim in Camp Morris, with occasional mention of the gadlus haBorei around them. But these days, there are other considerations that must come first.

Rav Aharon Teitelbaum of Satmar (quoted in Eizer Shmuel, page 294) felicitously expounds a Mishnah from this week’s Pirkei Avos (3:1) to guide his Chassidim in leisure planning. Akavia Ben Mahalalel said, “Consider three things and you will not come into the grip of sin. Know where you came from, where you are going, and before Whom you will give justification and reckoning.” The rebbe gave a vacation mussar shmuess, “Know where you came from,” meaning, “Think about your parents, grandparents, rabbeim and the yeshivos you attended before you make travel plans. What would they say?” Finally, would you be comfortable explaining and presenting this to our Creator and Father in Heaven? Great advice for us all.

The Vilna Gaon (Kol Eliyahu, Parshas Bereishis) quotes an amazing Medrash about one of the causes for Adam Harishon’s sin. The Medrash says something quite cryptic: “Why did Adam sin? Because he saw two but not three.”  The first of the three of Akavia’s “considerations” was “where we came from,” meaning “a putrid drop.” Now, since Adam was created directly by Hashem, he couldn’t identify with this warning, causing him and all of mankind everything from death to destruction and all manner of tragic results. Now let us add the Vilna Gaon’s brilliant comment. We know that Adam was an unimaginably righteous person. Even after he sinned and was buried, his ankles, the lowest parts of his body, shone like two burning suns. Yet, the inability to look back upon humble beginnings caused him to be unable to imagine the abyss into which he was about to descend. We, therefore, must surely evaluate carefully if we are exposing ourselves and our families to mortal spiritual dangers when we travel.

During Covid, when travel was almost impossible, many people discovered the joys of taking a staycation. Those who were able to do so built pools or refurbished basements. Unfortunately, like other messages that Hashem kindly sent us,  the lure of travel returned and suddenly we were on the road again. More recently, the spate of diseases and illnesses spread on expensive cruise ships may have been another divine reminder that physical ailments are often symptoms of spiritual maladies. This may be a good time to revisit Shlomo Hamelech’s exhortation, “If the anger of a ruler flares up against you, do not leave your place” (Koheles 10:4). Although this warning refers to many things, some meforshim identify the “ruler” as the yeitzer hora, which often rules over us and attempts to entice us to follow him into seductive places. Shlomo Hamelech, however, warns us that we are safest spiritually at home in our familiar surroundings.

One of the proofs offered that the moshel refers to our evil inclination is that the questions about where we have been and where we are going sound suspiciously like the questions Yaakov Avinu warned his servants that Eisav would ask: “When my brother Eisav meets you and asks you, saying, ‘Whose are you, where are you going…” (Bereishis 32:17). The Chiddushei Harim warns that our inner Eisav, i.e., the yeitzer hora, may ask these questions, seeking to frighten and depress us. We must be strong and resist his evil machinations. The Sefas Emes concludes that we must answer, as did Yaakov’s messengers, that “We belong to Yaakov Avinu.” This means that once we subjugate ourselves to Klal Yisroel, we have nothing to fear (see Sefas Emes, Parshas Vayishlach 5635). The Klausenburger Rebbe (Divrei Torah Shefa Chaim, Mikeitz 5723) quotes his father, the rebbe of Rodnik, with similar thoughts, only adding that these kinds of questions can come from the good source of the yeitzer tov or the evil source of the yeitzer hora and we must be careful to distinguish between the two (see also Sifsei Tzaddik, Vayishlach 25).

Rav Reuven Feinstein (Sefer Pirkei Shalom) teaches us another lesson related to this subject. In last week’s perek, Rebbi (Rabbeinu Hakadosh) presented us with three different things to consider: “What is above you — a watchful Eye, an attentive Ear, and all your deeds are recorded in a Book” (2:1). Is this a disagreement or do these warnings coalesce?

Rav Reuven suggests that Akavia Ben Mahalalel lived at the time when the Bais Hamikdosh stood proudly and Klal Yisroel was comfortable in their Land. The yeitzer hora at such a time often leads us into arrogance and complacency. The antidote is therefore to focus on sights and sounds that will lead us to modesty and humility. On the other hand, Rebbi lived after the churban under the Roman government, when there was a danger of depression and giving up our faith. Therefore, he reminded us that Hashem is watching us even in exile and in all conditions.

We should extrapolate from these teachings that it actually does not matter where we are, since Hashem is everywhere, watching over us. That attitude is a very wise one to take with us on our vacations, even when we don’t stay at home. Just knowing and truly believing that Hashem is with us can change the way we act and even think on vacation. This is certainly not a time to forget about Hashem, but to remember that He is always with us. Sometimes he saves us from depression, sometimes from arrogance, but he doesn’t just come “for the ride.” He is the Pilot, Driver and Ultimate Travel Agent. As Shlomo Hamelech continues (Koheles 3:14), Hashem is constantly doing things to cause us to fear Him and bring us to yiras Shomayim (see Droshas HaRamban to Koheles, Toras Chaim ed., page 13).

We will end with a story inside a story that we should take with us wherever we go. Rav Aryeh Levin, the great tzaddik of Yerushalayim and father-in-law of many gedolim, including Rav Yosef Shalom Elyashiv, was once visiting his rebbi, Rav Chaim Berlin, on an Erev Shabbos, when the latter was reciting Shir Hashirim. When Rav Chaim came to the posuk, “Behold you are beautiful, My beloved; behold you are beautiful, your eyes are doves” (1:15), he began to cry. Rav Aryeh asked his rebbi why he is crying, since this posuk is clearly describing the love between Hashem and Knesses Yisroel.

To respond, Rav Chaim, son of the Netziv, related the story inside this story.

“Once, when I was the rov of the city of Moscow, an important person asked to speak with me privately. He said that his wife had just given birth to a boy and he wanted me to circumcise him. I asked, ‘Why the need for such secrecy?’ and he answered that he occupied an important position in commerce and politically, but no one knew that he was Jewish. ‘I am asking the rov,’ he explained, ‘how to arrange for this procedure to be done secretly, because it could cost me my life.’ I told him to send away his household staff for the day and I will take care of it. The father served as sandek, there was no minyan, and I asked him to report to me on the baby’s recovery after the third day.

“When I visited the man’s home again after the third day, I asked him,

‘I see no signs of Yiddishkeit at all your home. You yourself have been hiding your Judaism, so why did you want so fiercely to make sure he has a bris milah?’ He answered, ‘I know that I have drifted far from my people, and I wonder if it will ever be possible for me to return. But for my son, there is hope. I want him to at least be a physical Jew so that someday he at least can reenter the fold.”

“When I get to that posuk in Shir Hashirim,’ Rav Chaim continued, ‘I think of that man and I understand why the words ‘my beloved is beautiful’ are repeated twice. This is, as Chazal teach, that the first is before the sin and the second is after. But why is he beautiful even after the sin? The answer is that Shlomo Hamelech is referencing the dove. Chazal teach that the dove never wanders so far from the nest that she will not be able to return. That is Klal Yisroel’s beauty as well—that even though we sometimes wander, we will always return. Rav Aryeh concluded that ‘perhaps this is the meaning of the question in the Mishnah, ‘From where have you come?’ Even if we only remember that we are a Yid, we can always return and build upon that.”

Let us build upon Rav Aryeh Levin, Rav Chaim Berlin, Akavia Ben Mahalalel and Rav Reuven Feinstein. If possible, let us not wander far at all. But if we must, like the dove, let’s not forget where our nest really is. Then we won’t get lost and we’ll be able to fly back into Hashem’s waiting arms.

A Week of Insanity

We have been through a week of madness here in Eretz Yisroel. On the front lines, the IDF suffered more fatalities, while the domestic battle between the Torah world and the government took another painful turn: Last week, a protest outside the home of Justice Noam Sohlberg turned violent and led to a massive wave of arrests. Of course, no one denies that violence is deplorable. For some reason, though, when leftists protested outside the homes of government ministers and burned garbage dumpsters outside the prime minister’s residence, no one seemed to have a problem with it, but the same type of behavior triggered sharp condemnations when it targeted a justice of the Supreme Court.

Meanwhile, the election for the next state comptroller generated its fair share of drama as well. In the first round of voting, retired Supreme Court justice Yosef Elron received 60 votes while attorney Michael Rabello received 57. Since Elron fell short of the threshold of 61 votes, it was necessary for another round of voting to take place. This time, Rabello won the election with 61 votes. This, of course, was a win for Netanyahu precisely at a time when his opponents are trying to depict him as a lame duck.

Shooting Spree Ends in Tragedy

No overview of this past week’s news would be complete without mentioning a couple of events at the beginning of the week. First, the terror attack on Sunday has shown us once again that our survival in Eretz Yisroel is predicated on miracles. Unfortunately, it is far too easy for bloodthirsty terrorists to murder a Jew in Eretz Yisroel. In this case, an Arab resident of Taibeh (i.e., an Israeli citizen) left his home in a car with a yellow license plate (again, marking him as an Israeli citizen) and headed to the gas station near the communities of Tzur Yigal and Kochav Yair, where he opened fire on innocent passersby, wounding two people. The terrorist moved on to the community of Tzur Natan and opened fire on civilians again. His next step was to fire on a car, killing the driver, which was followed by a gun battle at the entrance to the community of Salit. The murder victim was 55-year-old Chaim Kalomiti, a resident of Tzur Natan and an officer in the IDF. And this leads to a chilling thought: Who knows how many more murderers are living among the Arab citizens of Israel?

My second observation concerns the men who were arrested for participating in the violent riots at the home of Justice Noam Sohlberg; the court recently extended the detention of 52 of those suspects. Without commenting on the violence itself, let me say simply that the mass arrest was clearly collective punishment. Perhaps there were a few people among those 52 whom the police and the judge have the right to imprison, but why are so many men being kept behind bars? Is it simply that the police do not know exactly which of them are culpable?

Finally, there is another noteworthy development in the draft crisis: The Basic Law: Torah Study might be approved this week, in response to a demand from Aryeh Deri (who visited the bochurim being held in military prison on Sunday) and Degel HaTorah. This law might be the solution to the aggression of the Supreme Court; the judges have based their own decisions on the Basic Law: Equality, which they contend makes draft exemptions for lomdei Torah unconstitutional. Another Basic Law would carry the same legal weight, and the hope is that its stipulation about the importance of Torah study as a service to the nation will restore the legal validity of the draft exemptions. Bli neder, I will report to you on any further developments.

The Attorney General’s Obsession

The rest of the country has its attention focused on the borders and the White House, but Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara has her own agenda. Her behavior, in my view, can no longer be classified as a function of legal concerns or even political maneuvering; instead, it demands full psychiatric assessment. Her obsession has exceeded all reasonable bounds and has crossed every red line. Let us put aside her habitual stance against the government (keeping in mind that she is supposed to be the legal advisor to the government, not against the government) and her passion to oppose everything done by the government and especially the prime minister, including the appointments of new officials. Instead, let us focus solely on her war against lomdei Torah, in which she has actually demonstrated originality and single-minded obsession that borders on madness. While it’s true that the judges are steering her in this direction, she is clearly taking the matter much further than they are. Last week, I mentioned that yeshiva bochurim have become afraid even to walk in the street. At this point, not only are the arrests continuing but the army is talking about actively broadening them.

The attorney general recently announced yet another economic blow to yeshivos and kollelim: As part of her legal battle to prevent funding from reaching lomdei Torah who are subject to the draft, she decided to cancel the Section 46 status of any institution attended by draft evaders. Section 46 is a clause in the tax ordinance that makes it possible to receive tax refunds in exchange for donations to approved institutions. To receive this status, an institution must file a request with the Finance Ministry, where the specifics of its operations are examined. If the institution meets all the legal criteria, the application is transferred to the Knesset Finance Committee for approval. The attorney general’s decision therefore means that donations to yeshivos will no longer be eligible for tax credits. Of course, she conveniently ignores the fact that the same yeshivos also serve students who are not classified as draft evaders. Why should the government prevent yeshivos from receiving donations when at least some of their talmidim are not required to enlist? This is a fundamental flaw in her decision, but the attorney general is blithely unconcerned about it. In any event, the majority of donations for yeshivos come from Jews in other countries, where the donors receive tax credits from their own governments instead, so the impact of this blow might not be as severe as she hoped.

The attorney general’s move came in response to an appeal to the court from the Reform movement, in which the petitioners argued, “Yeshivos that have become places of refuge for tens of thousands of draft dodgers, who have chosen at a time of crisis to ignore the nation’s needs and to refuse to participate in the defense of the state, should not be able to allow their donors to benefit from tax credits worth tens of millions of shekels.” Baharav-Miara made absolutely no effort to defend the government in her response to the court; instead, she sided with the petitioners and even published her decision on the subject before the judges could even debate it. As I said, she is even more extreme than the Supreme court.

But that wasn’t the end of the matter. The attorney general discovered that it would be very complicated to determine which institutions should be subject to her decree eliminating their Section 46 status on account of the draft. As a result, she decided that for the time being, until the matter is clarified, no organization or institution will receive Section 46 approval. She therefore ordered the Treasury to freeze the approval process for every institution and to refrain from sending the list of organizations to the Finance Committee. Of course, this evoked an uproar that extended beyond the chareidi community. This time, the attorney general had caused damage to secular organizations as well, and a torrent of outrage emerged from the secular community. At the same time, petitions were filed with the Supreme Court against the sweeping ban, and the Igud Bnei Yeshivos filed a petition on behalf of the yeshivos as well. I am not sure what argument they used to claim that the decision was illegal regarding Torah institutions; perhaps it was the fact, as I mentioned, that yeshivos also cater to students who are not subject to the draft.

Once again, the wave of fury against the attorney general was ferocious, but she seemed unfazed by it. She is simply obsessed with persecuting bnei Torah. Just as an angry person is incapable of listening to others who try to reason with him, the same is evidently true of a person who is blinded by hatred. The chairman of the Knesset Finance Committee, MK Chanoch Dov Milwidsky (Likud), minced no words when he announced, “The attorney general is preventing all nonprofit organizations in Israel from receiving Section 46 status because of her persecution and hatred for the chareidi community.”

Yungeleit Excluded from Subsidized Housing Lottery

While the judges on the Supreme Court push for increasing sanctions against bnei Torah and the attorney general continues issuing draconian decrees, some people seem to be observing these events with equanimity. The real-life impact of these decisions isn’t immediately evident to everyone, and for some people, the attorney general’s moves seem to be theoretical and removed from reality. But the problems and damage are very real. These decisions, when translated into action, have a tangible impact on every kollel yungerman and every yeshiva bochur. The most serious measure that has been taken, of course, is the attorney general’s decision to halt government funding for yeshivos and kollelim. This led directly to the establishment of the Keren HaTorah fund, an absolutely correct response to an unjust situation. Another major cause of harm is the decision to revoke government subsidies for children in day care whose fathers learn in kollel, especially the children of draft evaders. This has caused genuine financial damage to tens of thousands of yungeleit. The decision to revoke property tax discounts for draft evaders has likewise been deeply harmful; until that decision was made, the average kollel yungerman paid only 10 or 20 percent of the municipal property tax on his apartment, and yungeleit will now be hit with much higher bills.

But all this was apparently not satisfactory for the judges, as they also decided to cancel the public transportation discounts and other benefits previously received by bnei Torah. One of those benefits is the ability to participate in programs run by the Ministry of Housing to assist young couples purchasing their first homes. Two weeks ago, the Israel Lands Authority announced that it had approved a dramatic change in the lottery program for discounted housing in conjunction with Chaim Katz, who is filling in for Yitzchok Goldknopf as minister of housing in the wake of the latter’s resignation. According to the latest decision, 50 percent of the housing units offered at a discount in the upcoming lottery will be offered only to soldiers in the IDF reserves, with priority given to combat soldiers, and the remaining 50 percent of the apartments will be offered to the general public provided that they have regulated their draft status. “This is a very significant step that was taken in accordance with a directive of the attorney general,” the statement added, “according to which it is necessary to immediately implement an outline that will strengthen the preference for active reserve soldiers.”

The decision states that anyone subject to the draft who hasn’t regulated his status with the IDF will not be eligible to participate in discounted housing programs. In practice, this means that most chareidim will be filtered out of the process before they can even reach the point of signing up for a lottery. The revised program requires all applicants to sign affidavits confirming that they have settled their draft status. If a participant wins the lottery and then his affidavit is found to be false—which would be the case for any chareidi man who learns in kollel—he will lose his right to receive a discount. What will happen to the apartments in chareidi communities, where no secular Israelis will be interested in participating in the lotteries? The answer to this question is unclear, but the Israel Lands Authority has taken the unequivocal stance that chareidim are to be left out. And while this evoked widespread fury, there is very little that can be done about it.

Knesset to Discuss Discrimination Against Yungeleit

A few days after the Israel Lands Authority announced the new rules, the following notice was circulated: “Registration for the 11th lottery of the ‘Apartment at a Discount’ program of the Ministry of Housing and Construction and the Israel Lands Authority will open today [last Monday] and will include dozens of lotteries in 19 cities and settlements throughout the country for a total of 7,922 residential units. According to the new regulations, the members of the chareidi community, kollel students, and yeshiva graduates are not entitled to participate in the lottery. The settlements participating in the lottery include Rishon Letzion, Rechovot, Mazkeret Batya, Ashdod, Beit Dagan, Kfar Manda, Kfar Saba, Maale Adumim, and Nahariya, among others. Registration for the lottery will close on Monday, June 22, 2026. As in previous lotteries, all eligible participants may register in only three cities, for all the lotteries taking place in each. The exact date of registration during the registration period has no significance.”

The infuriating statement continues, “Following the Supreme Court ruling, eligibility to participate in the lottery is contingent on the fact that, according to IDF data, the individual or either spouse is not defined as someone subject to conscription who has not regulated his or her status. We will note that this eligibility will be determined after registration closes, by synchronizing the data transferred from the Ministry of Defense to the Ministry of Housing and Construction.”

In other words, to put it bluntly, chareidim should consider themselves out of the running, even in cities that are supposedly chareidi. Minister Chaim Katz declared with satisfaction, “The Apartment at a Discount lottery is getting underway, with thousands of apartments designated for the lottery and with preference given to reserve servicemen and combat soldiers. Those who left their homes, their families, and their jobs to serve the state will now get something back for their efforts. We will continue removing barriers and advancing real estate marketing and additional lotteries to increase the supply of housing and to make residential solutions accessible to the younger generation.”

There was nothing for the chareidim to do in response other than shout and protest. Many members of the Knesset objected vehemently to this malicious exclusion. Meir Porush filed a motion for the Knesset agenda pointing out that the measure was discriminatory, since kollel yungeleit were deemed ineligible for the program but draft evaders from other sectors weren’t excluded. Porush enlisted the support of six other members of the Knesset: Simcha Rothman (Religious Zionism), Tally Gottliv (Likud), Avi Maoz (Noam), Mishel Buskila (United Right), Moshe Abutbul (Shas), and Tzvika Fogel (Otzma Yehudit). The group wrote to the Knesset speaker, “An examination of the reality on the ground paints a serious picture of a double standard, which constitutes blatant, intentional discrimination against the chareidi community. While yungeleit who spend their days on Torah study are excluded from the plan and denied the basic right to a roof over their heads, other sectors of the Israeli populace who do not serve were not deprived of this eligibility, and they continue to enjoy full access to lotteries and the right to apartments at a discount. This policy creates an illegitimate distinction between citizens based on cultural and sectoral affiliations. The denial of housing solutions to the chareidi public, which is already facing a severe, unprecedented housing crisis, under the false pretext of rewarding those who serve—at a time when other sectors are excluded from these rules—is an intolerable social and economic injustice.”

The proposal was approved, and a discussion will be held in the Knesset. But will that solve the problem? Will a debate in the Knesset actually put an end to this? Allow me to speculate that it will not have such an effect. The outraged Knesset members will blow off steam and create headlines, but that is all. It is very difficult, if not impossible, to defeat the justices of the Supreme Court and the attorney general.

New Laws Keep Coming as Knesset’s Term Winds Down

The 25th Knesset is approaching the end of its days, yet the legislators continue piling new bills on the Knesset table with the energy of youth, as if we were at the beginning of a new term. Before Pesach, Meir Porush introduced a law calling for Israeli sovereignty to be extended over certain parts of Yehuda and Shomron; at the same time, the chareidim opposed a similar bill concerning Beitar Illit that was submitted by Yisroel Beiteinu. Porush’s bill calls for Israeli sovereignty to be applied to Ariel, Beitar Illit, Modiin Illit, and Maale Adumim. He does not mention that his bill was copied from a different MK; the bill bears his name alone. Porush is also the sole author of another newly submitted bill, which calls for inmates in prison to be provided with all their religious needs. The original version of this bill, which came from Degel HaTorah and relates to the religious needs of all prison inmates, was the initiative of then-MK Eliyohu Bruchi, who was outraged when the Shin Bet denied a chareidi detainee access to a Gemara. Meanwhile, MK Yitzchok Goldknopf submitted a bill calling for the Value Added Tax to be reduced to 17 percent, a proposal that received the signatures of 16 MKs from all parties except Shas. But none of these bills stands a chance of being passed into law.

I won’t bother with an exhaustive list of all the bills that were placed on the Knesset table, even though some of them are fairly interesting, but I must still mention a few. Tzvi Sukkot is interested in reducing the noise of the muezzin and has replicated a bill authored by Tzvika Fogel for that purpose. Ram Ben-Barak introduced a law regulating the training of dogs; it would be interesting to find out if this is somehow due to his prior experience as deputy director of the Mossad, which regularly uses canines in its work. Meir Cohen has proposed denying government benefits to anyone who hasn’t fulfilled the obligation to serve in the army, and Eli Dalal copied a law authored by Nachman Shai in the 19th Knesset, which calls for a non-Jewish soldier killed in the line of duty to be buried in the same cemetery as Jewish soldiers. This touches a raw nerve, and Dalal writes that about 20 percent of the soldiers in the IDF are estimated to have immigrated to Israel under the Law of Return—in other words, they are not Jewish. On that note, here is a telling anecdote: Many years ago, President Ezer Weizmann visited the immigrant family of a soldier in the IDF who was killed in action. He praised the parents for their Zionist ideals, and they replied, “What are you talking about? We came to Israel because we were starving in Ukraine.”

“But what about the dangers of serving in the army?” he asked.

They replied, “The probability of dying in Ukraine in a fight between drunken soldiers is much higher than the odds of dying in the Israeli army.”

Let’s round out this list of newly proposed laws with two original bills submitted by Moshe Abutbul. First, there is a proposal to require devices testing a person’s alcohol level to be installed in stores where liquor is sold, so that patrons can easily check to determine whether they are permitted to drive. This is an interesting idea, and it is Abutbul’s brainchild; he did not copy the law from anyone else. He also came up with another bill, which would require facilities where blood tests are performed to be equipped with devices to help the staff locate veins. “I have personally seen babies, and even adults, suffering when nurses cannot find veins to draw blood from them,” he explained.

With that, let us wish the members of the Knesset a pleasant vacation as the country’s legislature adjourns for the election campaign. We will surely be reunited with some of them in the 26th Knesset, but definitely not with all of them.

Judicial Ombudsman Slams Court’s Chillul Shabbos

After Pesach, I reported on an incident in which three members of the Supreme Court—Justices Amit, Yechiel Kasher, and Khaled Khabub, the Arab judge—held a hearing on Shabbos to discuss a petition against the Home Front Command’s restrictions on leftist protestors. Although the hearing was conducted by telephone rather than in person, many were outraged that the court met to conduct its business on Shabbos. The judges claimed that they were dealing with a situation of pikuach nefesh, since the protest was scheduled for motzoei Shabbos. Of course, the judges ruled in favor of the protestors and against the police and the state.

After a firestorm of outrage and condemnation erupted in the wake of that Shabbos, the judges realized that they were in trouble and blamed the Home Front Command and the police for “forcing” them to meet on Shabbos, claiming that their responses to the petition hadn’t been sent until after Shabbos began and they were left with no choice. That would have been a shaky excuse even if it were true, but the police quickly released their own statement disputing the judges’ version of events and asserting that their response had been delivered in advance of Shabbos.

This is an old story, but it is merely the background to the latest development. There is a government entity in Israel known as the Office of the Ombudsman of the Judiciary, which is headed by a retired judge named Asher Kula. This office, which provides oversight for the courts, received complaints about the judges’ decision to meet on Shabbos, and Kula released a decision this week condemning them for the violation of Shabbos. Under the circumstances, he wrote, there was no reason for intensive judicial activity to take place on Shabbos, including demands for material to be submitted to the court and the issuing of operative injunctions. Kula declared that the actions of the panel of justices harmed the judicial process and the public trust in the court system. Had the court refrained from meeting on Shabbos, the complainants emphasized, the result would have been simply the postponement of the protest at most; there was also a chance that it would have been held under more limited conditions. Contrary to the judges’ claims, they asserted, there would have been no immediate danger to human life. One of the complainants was MK Yinon Azulai, who argued that the judges had violated the Hours of Work and Rest Law and had betrayed the public’s trust.

The three judges, who were ordered to respond to Justice Kula about the complaints, tried to dismiss the matter outright, claiming that it was a matter of judicial discretion that wasn’t subject to the ombudsman’s oversight. They also responded to the substance of the complaints, arguing that there was an urgent need to give direction to the police, the protestors, and the organizers of the protests, since it was clear that the demonstrations were going to take place on motzoei Shabbos in any event. Given the threat of missile fire, the judges said, an immediate response was necessary.

Kula rejected the judges’ claims that he lacked the authority to discuss the complaints. In his decision, he wrote that the judges of the Supreme Court are expected “to cloak themselves both in their Jewish robes and in their democratic robes” and that Shabbos should be their “guiding light and the cornerstone of their conduct.” Kula also pointed out that the petition had been submitted with very little time remaining before the planned protest. “The submission of a petition immediately before the holiday of Pesach and the desire to hold a demonstration on the following motzoei Shabbos do not constitute sufficient grounds for the judicial system to violate Shabbos,” he asserted. Kula concluded that the complaints were justified and quoted the timeless words of Rav Avrohom Ibn Ezra, “When I observe Shabbos, Hashem will protect me.” Legal experts observed that Kula’s response was one of the most sharply worded decisions issued in recent years regarding the behavior of the Supreme Court justices.

On an unrelated note, let me add another comment about the Supreme Court: A report was published on the court system’s expenditures, and some people found its contents most amusing. On February 18, for instance, the Supreme Court signed a contract worth almost 40,000 shekels for a fitness coach for the judges of the court. The coffee industry also cashed in; on March 1, a contract for over 127,000 shekels was signed for the Supreme Court’s coffee station for the year 2026. In addition, the judges spent over 2,000 shekels on the purchase of coffee capsules for the office of the court’s director, and close to 2500 shekels on coffee, tea, and sugar for the court in general.

Violent Arabs to Pay Over a Million Dollars

The courts recently ordered Arab defendants accused of assaulting Jews in three separate instances to pay monetary damages to their victims. The Arabs appear to be less deterred by the threat of imprisonment and more pained at the thought of shelling out money. In all three cases, the Jewish victims had given up on receiving anything from the courts, where it seems that the wheels of justice do not turn at all, but the legal aid organization Chonenu insisted on continuing the judicial proceedings. In one case, a judge required an Arab who assaulted Jews in the Old City of Yerushalayim five years ago to pay 15,000 shekels in damages to the victims. This was a settlement agreement; the victims had originally sued for much larger sums. Advocate Bleicher, representing the plaintiffs, summed up the case as follows: “The plaintiffs were walking through the Old City toward the Kosel, when the defendant, who was coming from the opposite direction, spotted them and decided to attack them solely because they were Jewish. When the plaintiffs drew near the defendant, he veered toward them and deliberately collided forcefully with the shoulder of one of the plaintiffs. The victim asked, ‘What just happened?’ and in response, the defendant shoved him forcefully while shouting and displaying aggression. An altercation developed between them, and the defendant punched the victim with his fists and kicked him…. We consider it very important to exact a price from violent agitators who attempt to harm the Jewish presence in the heart of the capital city of Israel. Alongside the criminal proceedings, there is great importance to civil proceedings, in which we often manage to exact monetary penalties from the rioters and thus to increase deterrence and add to the security of the citizens of Israel.”

In the second case, the judge ruled that three rioters who had attacked a Jew in Yerushalayim were required to compensate him with the sum of 3,340,000 shekels—over a million dollars. (Incidentally, you are probably aware that the dollar has fallen to an extreme low. When you donate a dollar to Israel today, it yields less than three shekels!) The assault took place about ten years ago in the Old City of Yerushalayim, where Professor Avrohom Ehrlich was participating in a tour of the Old City in a course for tour guides arranged by the Ministry of Tourism and Haifa University. Ehrlich was riding an electric bicycle, and since the group was passing through areas with stairs, he separated from them and rode through the streets alone. At one point, Ehrlich arrived at a restaurant owned by Arabs and parked his bicycle outside the restaurant. The Arab employees of the restaurant arrived on the scene and began shoving him and ordering him to stop filming them; one of the assailants then seized his cell phone and broke the screen. Ehrlich managed to escape from his attackers but then returned to the area to retrieve his bicycle, and when he entered the restaurant, one of the assailants pounced on him again and began beating him with a stick, while other men joined them, some of them armed with baseball bats, and began striking his head and his entire body. The Arabs then dragged him into an alleyway while continuing to beat him. After a long time, Ehrlich finally managed to escape, but while he was rushing through the street and calling for help, other Arab passersby took the opportunity to attack him as well.

Ehrlich called the police, and the responding officers helped him collect his bicycle and identify the attackers. The incident left Ehrlich with injuries to his forehead, leg, and arm, and he suffered from severe post-trauma and was unable to return to work. The three assailants were convicted in a criminal trial, given suspended prison sentences, and ordered to pay damages to Ehrlich. Chaim Bleicher of Chonenu, who represented Ehrlich, welcomed the court’s decision. “In the past, there were those who believed that they could assault Jews with impunity. We want to completely eradicate those thoughts from our enemies’ minds. We will continue fighting with the weapons we possess to stamp out this violence and to ensure that anyone who commits an assault will pay the full price.”

Eighty Years Since the Passing of Rav Moshe Blau

We are currently marking the passage of 80 years since the passing of Rav Moshe Blau, who was the leader of the Eidah Chareidis in Yerushalayim and the head of Agudas Yisroel in Yerushalayim. Those two movements are separate today and do not always see eye to eye, but there was a time in the past when they were united. Rav Blau was a leader in the political and communal sense. He was also the brother of Rav Amram Blau, who later established Neturei Karta, which waged an ideological battle against Agudas Yisroel, especially with regard to the approach to Zionism. Rav Moshe Blau passed away in Sivan 5706/June 1946.

The spiritual leader of Agudas Yisroel was Rav Yosef Chaim Sonnenfeld, who passed away 14 years earlier, in Adar 5692/March 1932. Rav Yosef Chaim arrived in Eretz Yisroel in the year 5633/1873 and settled in the Old City of Yerushalayim. He never set foot outside the boundaries of Eretz Yisroel again, except on one occasion when he met with the king of Jordan. He, too, took a strong stance against Zionism and the concept of a Jewish state, but he was considered the leader of Agudas Yisroel in Yerushalayim. In 1919, Rav Kook was chosen to serve as the chief rabbi of Yerushalayim, but his appointment was not recognized by Rav Sonnenfeld or Rav Diskin, who waged a campaign against the Chief Rabbinate.

When Rav Sonnenfeld passed away, there was great fear in Yerushalayim that Rav Kook’s followers would seize control of the rabbinate of Yerushalayim and take over Rav Sonnenfeld’s position in the vacuum left by his passing. One of the community’s strongholds was the Diskin orphanage, and some of Rav Kook’s followers wrote to the institution’s supporters in America, suggesting that the time had come to appoint Rav Kook as the president of the institution. This was clearly part of a broader scheme to seize power, and this was when Rav Moshe Blau leapt into action. On behalf of the gedolei Yisroel, Rav Blau was asked to embark on a mission abroad to find a new rabbinic leader for Yerushalayim, someone in the mold of Rav Sonnenfeld, who would lead the chareidi community of Yerushalayim (as opposed to the religious Zionist community) without fear.

The newspaper Hamevaser, which was founded in January 2009 by Rabbi Menachem Porush, included a special supplement titled Manhig Labirah marking Rav Moshe Blau’s eightieth yahrtzeit and featuring a fascinating overview of his quest to find a new rov for Yerushalayim. We know that after several months of searching and meeting with various rabbonim, the position was filled by Rav Yosef Tzvi Dushinsky, a talmid of the Shevet Sofer of Pressburg. The community of zealots had debated between Rav Dushinsky and Rav Yoel of Satmar as possible candidates to replace Rav Sonnenfeld, while the Yerushalmi leadership had considered a number of distinguished rabbonim for the role. Hamevaser owes its wealth of historical information to the archives of Agudas Yisroel in Yerushalayim, which were established by Rabbi Menachem Porush, who was known for his penchant to hold on to every scrap of documentation that came his way.

Rav Moshe Blau’s quest for a rov for Yerushalayim took him to many cities in Europe, including Frankfurt, Riga, Dvinsk, Vilna, Warsaw, Gur, Pressburg, and Vienna. He left Eretz Yisroel with a list of rabbonim who seemed likely to meet the criteria for the position, and he planned to meet with all of them. At every step of his mission, he consulted with two of the generation’s leading gedolim: Rav Chaim Ozer Grodzensky in Vilna and the Imrei Emes in Warsaw. He shared his impressions of the rabbonim he had met with each of these gedolim. The supplement to Hamevaser contains fascinating excerpts from Rav Moshe Blau’s diary describing these encounters. You may be astonished to learn the identities of the rabbonim he considered approaching for the position, most of whom he met in person: Rav Elchonon Wasserman, the Rogatchover Gaon, Rav Isser Zalman Meltzer, Rav Meir Shapiro, Rav Menachem Ziemba, Rav Boruch Ber Leibowitz, Rav Moshe Mordechai Epstein, Rav Shimon Shkop, and Rav Pesach of Kobrin, among others. It is fascinating to read Rav Blau’s accounts of their reactions; every one of the rabbonim explained why he was not interested in the position or considered himself unsuited to it. Some of them said that they would accept a role as a rov but not as a president of institutions. One candidate told Rav Blau that he was not capable of paskening on dinei Torah. Rav Blau’s diary also describes Rav Chaim Ozer Grodzinsky’s opinion regarding each of the candidates. But as above, the position was ultimately given to Rav Dushinsky.

The Chazon Ish Turns Down the Post

There are many fascinating stories regarding Rav Moshe Blau’s quest that I would like to share with you, but let us settle for discussing his account of his meeting in Vilna with a humble man named Rav Avrohom Yeshayahu Karelitz, who would later become known as the Chazon Ish, the leader of chareidi Jewry in Eretz Yisroel. Rav Blau relates, “Rav Chaim Ozer instructed me to visit the gaon Rav Avrohom Yeshayahu Karelitz in Vilna, whom he described as ‘a genius and tzaddik who despises profit and shares the traits of our late rov.’ I recognized that he [Rav Chaim Ozer] felt that if [the Chazon Ish] was told that the position was offered to him as a last resort, there was a chance that he would accept the rabbonus in Yerushalayim. However, he merely hinted to this and didn’t say it outright.”

Rav Blau’s report continues, “This brilliant talmid chochom is the anonymous author of the sefer Chazon Ish. I did as I was asked and met with him, and he certainly made an exceptional impression. He resides in a dark, narrow room and lives in terrible poverty. His sole occupation is learning Torah; he toils over it without interruption and certainly creates an impression of being an alert and sagacious person with outstanding character traits. He, too, told me clearly that the rov of Riga would not come. He felt that I should not be looking for a famous authority, in the sense that ‘the get and the hand come together’ [a Talmudic principle indicating, in this case, that the rov’s prestige would come along with his appointment rather than preceding it]. I left his cramped room with the impression that even though we haven’t yet reached the ideal state in which a person who has had no involvement in worldly affairs can be appointed as a rov, nevertheless, in my opinion he would be an outstanding candidate for the position of head of the bais din, and he would be satisfied with very little in the way of material accommodations. The young people in Vilna speak about him with incredible admiration, referring to him as ‘the second Vilna Gaon.’ I told them to send one of the volumes of Chazon Ish to Yerushalayim; perhaps it has already been received. I would like to know what sort of impression it made on our lomdim.”

As Rav Chaim Ozer had anticipated, the Chazon Ish turned down the offer of a position in Yerushalayim. Rav Moshe Blau reports on the response and adds, “I spoke to him about it explicitly, and he rejected the offer. He also made a stipulation that he would never have to preside over a din Torah and would only broker compromises. His associates, however, told me that if we pressed him strongly, they believed he might eventually agree. I will reveal further that I wrote to Rav Grodzensky about him and asked him to speak with the rov and to let me know the outcome, and I also corresponded with one of Rav Karelitz’s close associates, but I received no response from either of them. I also asked Mr. Rosenheim to ask Rav Chaim Ozer to let him know if there was any chance that Rav Karelitz would accept the position of av bais din.”

Shortly thereafter, Rav Blau received a letter from Rav Yaakov Rosenheim, who wrote, “Yesterday, I received a letter from Rav Chaim Ozer dated on the 13th of Tammuz, in which he informed me that he had spoken with Rav Avrohom Karelitz, who vehemently refused to accept the position of av bais din of Yerushalayim, which he felt does not suit him.”

To Hear and to Learn

The State of Israel is waging a relentless war against those who learn Torah. The greatest problem facing the Torah community is that there is no one to talk to; there is no one to whom they can explain the importance and significance of the Torah. We have always been taught that Zevulun receives ample reward for supporting Yissochor as he learns Torah; if that is the case, then Yissochor himself must surely earn an even greater reward. The average man on the street, however, does not have the ability to comprehend the priceless value of Torah, and that leads to the endless, burning hatred that they feel for bnei Torah. As I’ve mentioned in the past, Rav Chaim Kanievsky points out that in the brocha of ahavah rabbah, we daven to “understand and to be wise” before we ask Hashem to let us “hear, learn, and teach.” How can we understand something before we have even learned it? Rav Chaim explained that the brocha is referring to a different type of understanding—the comprehension of the value of Torah.

Someone once asked Rav Elyashiv where to insert a tefillah in the Shemoneh Esrei asking Hashem to help him have the desire to learn Torah. “What do you think is the right place for it?” Rav Elyashiv asked.

“In the brocha of Hashiveinu, where we ask Hashem to bring us back to His Torah,” the questioner suggested.

“No,” Rav Elyashiv replied. “This request belongs in Atah Chonein, the brocha in which we ask Hashem for intelligence. Because if a person lacks a desire to learn Torah, it shows a basic lack of intelligence or discernment!”

I attended a wedding in Yerushalayim where the priorities of the Torah were clearly on display. Rav Avrohom Betzalel was marrying off his son, a talmid in Yeshivas Bais Mattisyohu. The roshei yeshiva and talmidim of Bais Mattisyohu and its associated yeshivos were present, as were roshei yeshiva and yungeleit of the Mir yeshiva world, to which the chosson’s father belongs. You see, Avraham Betzalel, who served until recently as a Shas Knesset member, left the Knesset and returned to the benches of Mir.

The speaker of the Knesset was not present at this simcha, but leaders of the generation and those who truly uphold the world were. Among the guests were many prominent marbitzei Torah, including two Rishonim Letzion, Rav Shlomo Amar and Rav Dovid Yosef. Also in attendance was Rav Binyomin Finkel (“Rav Binyomin Hatzaddik”), who receives much admiration. I watched him patiently bless dozens, perhaps hundreds, of people who approached him. I also saw him approach Mendy Weiss, who was singing at the wedding. Naturally, I asked Weiss what the distinguished rov had said to him.

Seeming flustered, Weiss replied, “He said to me, ‘You are fortunate that you bring joy to other Jews.’”

Lessons from a Fake Barrier

Let me conclude the column with an amusing anecdote. My son recently came to the Knesset building to borrow my car. (Do not envy me; it is a 15-year-old Toyota, and there isn’t much reason to be impressed by it.) Moments after he drove it out of my parking spot, he called me and exclaimed, “There’s a barrier ahead of me! How do I get out of the lot?” I explained that I had forgotten to tell him that the barrier rises automatically when a car that wishes to exit approaches it, and I added that the same was true of the barrier just before the right turn toward the adjacent cemetery. (That cemetery, incidentally, is the burial site of the Zhviller Rebbe; I often see many people visiting the kever, since there seems to be some sort of segulah to visit it on a Monday, Thursday, and Monday in succession.)

We agreed that there was a mussar haskel to be derived from the barrier: A person should never give up. Even if he seems to be heading toward an impassable obstacle, he should continue doing everything in his power to make progress, and he can be assured that the barriers will be removed from his path.

That night, my son remarked to me that he had come across a similar concept in the Michtov Me’Eliyohu: Rav Dessler explains that spiritual growth takes place in stages, and when a person climbs to the end of a level, he discovers the next one before him. In a similar vein, he added, Rav Boruch Weisbecker used to say that a person receives an infusion of strength for further spiritual accomplishments only when he reaches what appears to be his limit. For instance, if a person is capable of learning for one hour and works hard to spend that hour learning, he will find at the end that he has been infused with enough energy for another hour. And if a person marshals all of his strength in an effort to understand a sugya, he will receive the enlightenment he needs to develop a new understanding of the topic.

In short, a person should always invest the maximum possible effort in every spiritual endeavor; as long as he makes every effort available to him, he can rest assured that the path to further growth will open before him, just as the barriers in the parking lot move out of the way as soon as a car draws near.

Driving through traffic the other day, I no­ticed a bumper sticker on the car ahead of me. This is what it said:

It is what it is

UNLESS YOU DO SOMETHING ABOUT IT.

Plenty of food for thought right there.

“It is what it is” implies a certain resignation or fatalism. Indeed, there are some aspects of life that we cannot control or even alter in the slight­est. But there are many other areas where we can and should step in and “do something about it.”

When Hashem created man, He gave him the ability to impact the world He created, in ways both large and small. Both public and private.

Imagine if Thomas Edison had never bothered to do the work necessary to uncover the physical properties of matter that led to the invention of electricity. If Alexander Graham Bell had not taken the trouble to invent the telephone, or Louis Pas­teur to figure out a method for pasteurizing milk. If Jonas Salk hadn’t discovered the polio vaccine… You get my drift.

Being a partner in Creation, so to speak, comes with enormous responsibility. Hakadosh Boruch Hu incorporated many secrets into His world, and it’s up to us to hunt for the answers. Not to do so would be to turn our backs on humanity.

It’s not only the physical world that we’re tasked to build. Emotionally and spiritually, we have our work cut out for us as well. There are three rela­tionships bred into the fabric of Creation, and we’re responsible to perfect all three. They are the relationship between man and Hashem, between man and his fellow men, and between man and himself.

Interestingly, these relationships are not monolithic. Rather, they are enmeshed and inter­dependent. Instead of picturing them as three pil­lars that stand on their own, imagine them woven together like strands of DNA in the classic double helix.

For example, how I learn to relate to others (specifically, my parents) when I’m young will later find reflection in how I relate to Hashem and to other people. And how I relate to myself mirrors and impacts my relationships with Hashem and my fellows. Let’s take a closer look and see how it works.

In this era of low self-esteem and hester ponim, suppose a parent is harsh and non-affectionate with his son. Would it be any wonder if the child of such a parent grew up fearing rather than lov­ing his heavenly Father? Or even, Heaven forbid, wanting to run away from Him? Children who are raised with warmth and reliability are far more easily able to access their own love for, and trust in, their Creator. They’ll be more open to other people, too.

Similarly, a person who isn’t com­fortable in her own skin won’t be comfortable with anyone else. Feel­ing angry at own deficiencies can lead to our lashing out in anger at others… after which we’re even more angry and disappointed with ourselves… which can lead to distancing ourselves from Hashem out of shame. In other words, every relationship is entangled with every other one. Everything impacts everything else.

It’s unrealistic to expect ourselves to be different with others than we are with ourselves, except in the short term if we’re very good actors. Who we are is who we are, whatever the context. It is our job to perfect ourselves and our re­lationships.

Who we are is who we are. It is what it is… unless we do something about it.

Giant Steps, Baby Steps

Every morning, in our davening, we refer to Hashem as matir assurim—the One who liberates those who are locked up. This can mean that He frees actual prisoners, as well as those whose limbs are locked up. But sometimes we’re locked up in a different way. We’re stuck in habits or patterns of behav­ior which aren’t good for us. Habits and patterns which hold us back from making the progress we need to make, to fulfill our mission of perfecting that tiny corner of the world that’s ours to perfect: ourselves.

The need to change negative patterns can be manifested in large things, such as marriage, parenthood or integrity in business. The big, important areas of life.

But big things are made up of many, many small things. Getting where we want to go calls for many, many baby steps. Each time we overcome a bad habit or stretch beyond our comfort zone, we take one such step. A small step can help us free ourselves from preconceived notions which may have been holding us back in larger ways as well. Let me give you a small example of what I mean. A trivial illustration that carries a big lesson.

Looking over my bank statement re­cently, I came across a payment I’d ap­parently made but had no idea what it was for. The statement’s reference re­garding the purchase was cryptic. What was this all about? The sum involved, while not huge, was also not inconsid­erable. It occurred to me that I could try to find out what I’d paid for.

Instantly, a reaction set in. First, I reminded myself that “I’m no good with money.” Financial matters had never been either a strong interest or a strong point with me. How in the world could I be expected to do a deep dive into my bank statement and emerge with a coherent answer? Impossible.

Apart from that, there was another longstanding message waiting for me to haul it out: “I’m no good with tech­nology.” In this era of online banking, how was I supposed to untangle this digital enigma? Again, impossible.

And even if it wasn’t strictly im­possible, I argued with myself, it also wasn’t all that necessary. After all, b”H we weren’t talking about a sum I couldn’t afford to lose. Anyway, even if I eventually managed to figure out who I’d paid that sum to, there was little likelihood that they’d give it back. No point wasting time and energy, right?

And even if I could successfully han­dle the problem, I was disinclined to put in the work. There were so many more interesting things to do than dig into some obscure item in my bank statement…

And so, the forces were marshalled against me. Preconceived notions (“I’m not good with money” “I’m not good with technology”), justifications for non-action (“It’s not such a big sum” “I’ll never get the money back anyway”), and sheer inertia, disinter­est or plain old laziness all conspired to keep me stuck in my groove.

Somehow, I overcame all of these forces and bestirred myself to do a bit of detective work. When it came to technology, my husband always ad­vised, “Just play around and you’ll fig­ure it out.” I decided to play around on my computer and try to get to the bot­tom of that mysterious payment.

In the end, it was not so hard at all. With a quick google search and a dashed-off email, I not only tracked down the payee but even had the satis­faction of seeing them refund the pay­ment. Success!

Not a very dramatic episode, I know. But every bit of self-improvement has its ramifications. I’d overcome my in­ner arguments, a faulty self-image, and my inertia to unlock and free my­self from a non-useful pattern. I’d tak­en a baby step in my relationship with myself.

Who knew if, the next time I found myself stuck in my other relationships, with people and with Hashem, I might not bestir myself in such a way again? And with larger and much more sig­nificant results?

The same formula fits them all. From the smallest things to the biggest ones, it is the way it is. Unless you do some­thing about it!

The 15-hour flare-up in tit-for-tat attacks between Israel and Iran was ended this past Monday thanks to President Donald Trump’s call to Israeli Prime Minister Binyomin Netanyahu, ordering him not to retaliate to Iran’s last salvo of missile strikes. As a result, Israel and its friends are more worried than ever, both about the terms of the deal Trump claims he is about to finalize with Iran to re-open the Strait of Hormuz and the negotiations that are supposed to finally put an end to Iran’s nuclear threat.

Iran started the latest round of reciprocal attacks by launching a missile barrage on northern Israel Sunday night, in response to Israel’s attack on the Beirut stronghold of Hezbollah, Iran’s Lebanese proxy. That, in turn, was Israel’s response to the resumption of Hezbollah’s missile attacks on the residents of northern Israel, who are tired of acting as defenseless targets for Hezbollah’s endless supply of lethal anti-tank rockets.

The outcome of the brief conflict, in which Israel was forced by Trump to back down twice, has further emboldened Iran’s hardline new leaders. They have been able to use Trump’s reluctance to allow Israel to attack Hezbollah strongholds in southern Beirut to drive a wedge between Trump and Netanyahu. By exploiting that division and using the issue of Hezbollah’s fate in Lebanon as a diversion, the Islamic regime appears to be emerging from the conflict with the U.S. and Israel weakened militarily and economically, but still in power and positioned to reconstitute its ballistic missile arsenal and rebuild its network of terrorist allies as it continues to drag out the nuclear negotiations with Trump.

Nevertheless, despite having been forced by Trump to scale back on their original Iran attack plans and ultimately stand down, permitting Iran’s final missile attack on Israel Monday to go unanswered, Prime Minister Netanyahu and his defense minister, Israel Katz, insist that the IDF’s expanded operations against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon are continuing. They also claim that Israel’s abbreviated air strike against Iran on Sunday has helped to re-establish Israel’s military deterrent against fresh attacks by its enemies.

Nevertheless, the new hardline leaders of Iran’s Islamic regime are still claiming the exclusive right to determine who may pass through the Strait of Hormuz. They are also claiming the right to dictate the extent of Israeli retaliation against its reinvigorated Hezbollah ally in Lebanon for the renewal of missile strikes on the civilian population of northern Israel, and the highly effective use of advanced drone technology to inflict casualties on the IDF forces in southern Lebanon.

Reigniting a Long-Simmering Conflict Inside Lebanon

In passing judgment on who was to blame for starting this latest flare-up in the long-simmering conflict, a Wall Street Journal editorial pointed to Hezbollah’s clear rejection of President Trump’s latest Lebanon ceasefire last week, in which he declared that Israel would refrain from attacking Hezbollah’s Beirut stronghold in exchange for Hezbollah’s agreement to stop firing missiles at towns in northern Israel.

Early on Sunday, Hezbollah launched another such barrage while Iran warned that it would also launch strikes at Israel if it tried to retaliate against Hezbollah in Beirut, which it clearly had a right to do under both the terms of Trump’s latest Lebanon ceasefire deal and Israel’s basic obligation to protect the safety of its citizens in their own homes. In that respect, Israel’s retaliatory single strike against Hezbollah Sunday night was both necessary and inevitable.

The editorial also criticized Trump for saying that Israel should not strike back because “The Iranian [missile] strikes didn’t hurt anybody,” effectively penalizing Israel for the success of Israeli air defenses.

Trump then said, “I am going to call Bibi [Netanyahu] right now and tell him not to retaliate [because] each of them had their fun. Israel had its strike, and Iran had its strike. We don’t need another one.”

The editorial then pointed out that Trump was ignoring the fact that Israel hadn’t attacked Iran at all. It was striking Hezbollah for attacking northern Israel. Furthermore, by insisting that Trump forbid the Israeli strike, Iran was effectively calling on him to deny Israel’s right to defend itself.

Trump Threatened to Abandon Israel to Its Enemies

In addition, the Wall Street Journal editorial noted that Trump reinforced the impression of a growing rift between him and Israel’s prime minister when he later told a reporter, “I said, ‘Bibi, you better be careful, or you will be on your own very soon.’”

The impression that Israel and the U.S. are no longer proceeding against Iran and its terrorist allies in lockstep with one another was further strengthened by Vice President JD Vance’s comments in an interview with Fox News in which he stated that the emerging peace deal between the U.S. and Iran would be a “home run for the American people,” whether Israel liked it or not.

Vance also said that while the U.S. and Israel “have a lot of shared interests, we also have some situations [such as the effort by Israel to neutralize the threat from Hezbollah in Lebanon] where our interests diverge.”

Vance then said explicitly that “I think where the president has been very clear here is that while Israel obviously has some [other] objectives [of its own], the United States’ main objective in Iran is to ensure that Iran does not have a nuclear weapon.” In other words, Vance was implying that anything that might interfere with reaching the objective of closing the deal with Iran, such as permitting Israel’s war against Hezbollah to continue in Beirut, must be put aside.

The vice president then added, “Over the last year and a half, we’ve created the space necessary where the president believes — and I think that he’s right — that we can get the long-term settlement to Iran’s nuclear deal.

Israel Will Be Stuck With Trump’s New Iran Deal, Like It or Not

“Now, Israel may like that, they may not like that. But fundamentally, we think this [emerging deal with Iran] is in the best interest of the United States of America.”

Vance also argued that Trump’s new deal with Iran was better than Obama’s deal with Iran in 2015, which Trump walked away from in 2018, because the earlier deal lacked a “proper inspections regime to ensure the Iranians could never build a nuclear weapon.

“That is one of the big differences between what happened then and what the president of the United States would get to, assuming we are ultimately able to make a deal,” Vance explained. “We’re going to take the attitude of: ‘Accomplish the president’s mission, but verify over the long term that the Iranians are keeping their end of the bargain,’” the vice president added. “It’s a tall order, but it’s one that the president has put us in a good position to achieve.”

Vance concluded by declaring, “We are, of course, going to verify it, but if we get this deal, it’s going to be a home run win for the American people.”

Meanwhile, in an interview with the BBC, Trump denied that Netanyahu had defied him by launching Israel’s initial retaliatory attack on Iran Sunday night. Trump said: “No, no. That’s not what happened.”

He claimed that Iran’s missiles “had already gone,” and Israeli forces “were already on their way,” by the time Trump spoke with Netanyahu first spoke late on Sunday.

Why Netanyahu’s Independence Is Being Questioned

Trump then added, “If I tell him [Netanyahu] to do something, he does it,” Trump said. He then added, “All I said [to Netanyahu] was we have to use common sense, we’re close to signing a very powerful deal, a very good deal.”

The problem with that statement by Trump was that it further reinforced the already widespread impression that Netanyahu was incapable of standing up to the American president. That just added to the political pressure on Netanyahu to push back at Trump’s bullying, to show both his political critics and his worried supporters that he could.

For Prime Minister Netanyahu, a resumption of fighting with Iran offered clear advantages — at least in the short term.

Publicly resisting Trump’s demands, or at least making a show of doing so, will help Netanyahu in what promises to be a difficult bid to win re-election as prime minister in the upcoming Knesset election in the fall.

Iran Has Emerged the Winner in the Latest Round of Fighting

Israeli voters will also judge Netanyahu based upon the outcome of last weekend’s 15-hour shooting war between Israel and Iran, which was the third conflict between the two over the past year.

The first war was last June. It ended in 12 days with a clear victory for the U.S. and Israel when key parts of Iran’s nuclear infrastructure were destroyed by massive 15-ton bunker buster bombs dropped by American stealth B-2 warplanes.

The second war was started by the airstrike that decapitated Iran’s government and military on February 28, and ended with a draw in April, when Trump announced the ceasefires in Lebanon and Iran, with both Hezbollah and Iran continuing to fight.

The third took place over this past weekend. It ended with Iran victorious when Trump told Israel that it could not retaliate against the latest Iranian missile attack against it, and that Israel could not attack Hezbollah again in Beirut without his permission and would risk severe consequences by doing so.

It erupted due to a challenge by Iran’s hardline rulers to the ground rules that have governed the strategic realities that have dominated the situation since Trump took office.

Iran’s Three Biggest Recent Accomplishments

Iran has made three major points clear since the second round of fighting started with the joint U.S.-Israeli attack at the end of February:

1. They are willing to absorb far more punishment and keep fighting than anyone appreciated.
2. They have successfully driven a wedge between Trump and Netanyahu over Lebanon, which Trump really doesn’t care about much, but which is vital to Netanyahu politically because of the continued vulnerability of northern Israel to Hezbollah’s attacks.
3. Iran is successfully using all of these other issues, including the closing of the Strait of Hormuz, the bombing of Hezbollah in Beirut, and the attacks on its Gulf neighbors, to delay signing any deal with Trump in the hope that he will give in to their demands before November in an effort to salvage the midterm elections

The Current Israeli-Iran Conflict Timeline

On February 28, Israel and the United States launched Operation Roaring Lion, whose goals included the destruction of Iran’s missile and nuclear programs, and also the fall of the regime. Iran, as expected, resumed missile fire toward Israel, though at a much lower level. Hezbollah, which had stayed out during Operation Rising Lion, intervened this time following the assassination of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and the IDF entered Lebanon for the second time in a year and a half.

Iran and Hezbollah Are Weakened but Not Yet Defeated

There is no dispute over the Israeli and American military achievements. Iran’s defense industries were indeed dealt a severe blow. Missile launches were far fewer than during Operation Rising Lion, and Hezbollah is not the same terror army it was before October 7, 2023. Iran’s enriched uranium is buried underground, and reaching it would require complex engineering work while Tehran remains under constant Israeli and American monitoring.

But since Operation Roaring Lion started, 34 Israeli civilians and 30 IDF soldiers have been killed, and there has been an enormous Israeli economic dislocation, property damage, and school closures without the Israeli government being able to turn its military achievements into diplomatic ones.

Two months after the ceasefire that ended an operation in which Iran was militarily defeated, it continues to block the Strait of Hormuz and resists signing any peace agreement that meets Trump’s terms.

The most recent episode of attacks and counterattacks, which began over the weekend and spilled into Monday, marked the first time Iran and Israel have targeted each other since a ceasefire brokered by Trump went into force in early April. The weekend conflict was triggered by an Israeli air strike on Hezbollah targets in Beirut in retaliation for the resumption of Hezbollah missile and drone attacks on northern Israel.

It began a few days after Hezbollah rejected a new ceasefire agreement brokered by the U.S. during talks in Washington between Israeli and Lebanese government leaders designed to lead to a formal Israel-Lebanon peace treaty. That announcement of the new ceasefire in Lebanon followed a tough phone call in which Trump later admitted that he called Netanyahu “crazy,” among other things, for seeking to extend the IDF’s war against Hezbollah to Beirut, and which Iran has sought to use as an excuse to further delay signing off on the peace agreement that Trump wants so badly.

When Hezbollah fired off another volley of rockets at northern Israel on Sunday, Netanyahu did not hesitate to respond to the challenge by ordering an IDF air strike on the Dahiyeh, the Hezbollah stronghold on the southern outskirts of Beirut.

Later Sunday, Iran opened fire directly at Israel for the first time in two months in retaliation for Israel’s strike on Dahiyeh. But an Israeli security official admitted that he and his colleagues were caught by surprise by the swift Iranian reaction. Before they approved Netanyahu’s decision to strike Hezbollah targets in Dahiyeh, they did not see an Iranian missile strike at Israel as a likely retaliatory scenario. In fact, even after the Iranians threatened in the afternoon hours that they would respond with missile fire at Israel, some in Israel believed that Iran would not follow through on its threats because they had failed to fulfill similar threats in the past.

As a result, the Israeli public received notification of the Iranian missile attack threat very late, through an announcement by the IDF Spokesman’s office. Just a few minutes later, Iran launched 11 ballistic missiles at Israel. All were intercepted.

A Tense Night in U.S.-Israeli Relations

That was the beginning of a tense night in the relationship between Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Trump. Just before the first phone call between the two leaders, Trump said to American reporters, “I’ll tell Bibi: ‘Don’t attack.’”

During that call, which took place around 11 p.m. Sunday, Trump made it clear to Netanyahu that he did not support a strike because of its negative impact on his negotiations with Iran.

“We’re close to an agreement,” Trump said.

But when Netanyahu insisted that a military reaction to the Iranian attack was necessary to preserve deterrence, Trump replied, “You’re a sovereign country, but every decision has consequences.”

In the end, Israel did carry out that first attack. At 4:10 a.m. local time, Israeli warplanes unleashed air strikes against nine air defense systems in western and central Iran. But that was meant to be only the beginning. After Iran’s air defenses had been knocked out, the IDF had intended to hit several other types of strategic targets in Iran in order to exact a heavy price for breaking the ceasefire. But because of the strong U.S. objection to it, Netanyahu ordered the attack to be terminated early. The operation wound up being far more limited than originally planned, and primarily targeted Iran’s partially restored air defenses, which had been decimated in previous Israeli attacks on Iran over the past two years.

Why Israel Was Using an Unusual Standoff Weapon

Iran claimed that the initial Israeli air strike Sunday night was carried out by Israeli warplanes using air-launched ballistic missiles. Because they are typically launched up to 100 miles away from their targets, the air-launched missiles do not expose the plane and pilot carrying them to the risk of being shot down over enemy territory. Also, because they travel much faster than cruise missiles with similar range, air-launched ballistic missiles are much harder for air defense systems to shoot down.

Israeli defense industries manufacture three different versions of this type of weapon, which have been used by the IDF before. According to a report by the Wall Street Journal, the controversial and largely unsuccessful Israeli air strike on September 9, 2025, intended to kill a group of senior Hamas leaders meeting at a safe house in Doha, Qatar, was carried out by 12 Israeli Air Force warplanes using air-launched ballistic missiles, which they fired while still in Saudi Arabian airspace.

The initial stage of the Israeli attack late Sunday night also damaged a major Iranian petrochemical facility, the Karoun Petrochemical Co., which was under U.S. sanctions as a source of funds for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

In response, the IRGC issued a statement saying, “We warn you: Israel has opened a dangerous game by taking action against civilian targets and hitting oil industries. Its scope will include all energy targets in the region, and the consequences for the global economy are the responsibility of the United States.”

Other targets in the initial phase of the curtailed Israeli counterattack, according to Yechiel Leiter, Israel’s ambassador to the U.S., included Iranian missile-launch sites and non-energy infrastructure sites.

The Houthis Opened Fire at Israel Once Again

Shortly before 6 a.m., the Houthis in Yemen launched two ballistic missiles at Israel, one of which was intercepted, while the other failed to reach Israel. The Houthis also threatened to resume their previous attacks on Israeli and Israeli-affiliated ships transiting the Red Sea.

On Monday morning, the Iranians launched more than 10 missiles, which were intercepted by Israeli and U.S. air defense systems. Israel, for its part, also struck a petrochemical plant that produces materials for ballistic missiles.

While the Houthis had launched sporadic ballistic missile attacks on Israel in support of Hamas throughout the Gaza war, Monday morning was the first time they had launched such an attack since the Gaza ceasefire went into effect last year.

Meanwhile, reporting for Israel’s Channel 12 and the Axios news site, Israeli reporter Barak Ravid said that Trump had told him in a phone conversation that he had asked Netanyahu during their phone call Sunday night not to order the IDF to respond to Iran’s latest salvo of ballistic missile attacks on northern Israel.

The Trump-Netanyahu Dialogue

Trump also told Ravid that during their Sunday night conversation, he had told Netanyahu that he was risking U.S. support for Israel by proceeding against Trump’s wishes with regard to the planned attack on Hezbollah’s stronghold in Beirut.

Trump then told Netanyahu that if he were to be successful in reaching an agreement with Iran, further Israeli strikes would be unnecessary, but that if the talks on the proposed Memorandum of Understanding did fall apart, the U.S. itself would then lead a fresh attack on Iran, rendering the threat from Hezbollah in Lebanon secondary.

However, according to the Channel 12 report, Netanyahu rejected that argument by saying, “The Iranians violated our sovereignty. We have to draw a red line.” To that, Trump reportedly replied that while he was not giving Israel “a green light” to attack Iran, Netanyahu still had the right to make his “own calculations” about the wisdom of attacking Iran on its own.

While the conversation between Trump and Netanyahu then ended without a clear conclusion, some of Trump’s aides told Channel 12 they believed that Trump had bought at least a few more days to wrap up the deal with Iran on the Memorandum of Understanding before Israel would launch an attack on Iran on its own.

But they were wrong. Following that phone call with Trump, Netanyahu met with his security advisors and then ordered the retaliatory attack on Hezbollah targets in Beirut to begin, using ballistic missiles aimed at Iran’s air defenses and launched from Israeli warplanes flying at a safe distance from Iran’s borders.

Ynet reported that Netanyahu had originally wanted to strike Iran as early as last Thursday, but Trump had insisted that the plan be shelved at that time.

Secretary of State Rubio Received a Late Attack Notification

According to the Channel 12 report, it was not until those missiles had been launched at their targets that Netanyahu informed Secretary of State Marco Rubio that a retaliatory attack on Iran was in progress. In their earlier conversation, Trump had asked Netanyahu to stand down, but because at that point it was too late to stop the attack completely, Netanyahu was asked to cancel the rest of the planned Israeli air strike to limit the damage and to reduce the risk of escalation. The Israeli prime minister then reluctantly complied.

The next morning, Iran launched another wave of ballistic missiles at central and southern Israel. All except one of them were successfully intercepted. In addition, two more missiles were launched at Israel from Yemen by the Houthis, apparently at Iran’s request, one of which was intercepted, and the other fell short.

At this point, Trump was clearly running out of patience with both Israel and Iran. He posted an angry message on his social media account demanding that “Israel and Iran must immediately stop ‘shooting.’”

However, before Israel could retaliate with another attack against Iran, Netanyahu got a second phone call from Trump. The American president told the Israeli prime minister that he had received a message from Iran’s leaders saying that they would be willing to end their attacks and stand down if Trump could prevent Israel from striking back once again.

Trump told Ravid that he had also heard from five other countries involved in the negotiations with Iran, asking him to restrain Israel from launching any further air strikes so that the talks could move forward. At that point, to prevent the fighting from escalating further, and to prevent the peace talks from collapsing, Trump told Netanyahu, in no uncertain terms: “It [the war against Iran] is over. The story is finished.”

The Trump Demand That Netanyahu Couldn’t Refuse

It was a request that Netanyahu could not afford to turn down because Trump had previously warned him that if Israeli attacks continued, it might find itself fighting Iran alone. But Netanyahu also announced that Israel would go forward with attacks on Hezbollah targets in Beirut if the Hezbollah attacks on Israel’s northern communities resumed, even at the risk of triggering another round of missile attacks from Iran and angering Trump for ignoring his warning.

Before Netanyahu decided to heed Trump’s demand that Israel abandon its planned counterattacks against Iran’s missile launches, IDF officials told reporters Monday that the Israeli military had used the time after the ceasefire with Iran went into effect in April to prepare detailed plans for several days of renewed air strikes on targets deep inside Iran if and when the hostilities were to resume.

They also said that the close coordination between the IDF and the U.S. military’s Central Command before the April ceasefire had continued uninterrupted, including three conversations between IDF Chief of Staff General Eyal Zamir with the head of U.S. Central Command, Navy Admiral Brad Cooper.

Two Months Later, Trump Is Still Talking About a Quick Deal With Iran

In a later post on Monday, after the IDF attack was cancelled, Trump wrote that “both sides, Israel and Iran, want an immediate ceasefire. Final negotiations on ‘peace’ are proceeding, subject to ignorance or stupidity getting in its way. The blockade [on Iran] will remain in place, and in full force and effect, until a ‘Final Deal’ is reached. Things should move quickly.”

Meanwhile, although Iran announced that it was ending operations against Israel for the time being, it threatened to resume missile fire if Israel struck in Lebanon, including in southern Lebanon. In the hours since, reports emerged of strikes in southern Lebanon, and Hezbollah fired rockets toward IDF forces in Lebanon, triggering alerts in the Galilee Panhandle and western Galilee.

Warnings From Other Israeli Government Ministers

Israel’s Defense Minister, Israel Katz, warned Hezbollah and Iran Monday that “the fate of Dahiyeh in Beirut will be the same as the fate of Israel’s northern communities.”

“Any attack on northern communities will lead to a strike in Dahiyeh,” Katz said. “The IDF will continue to operate in Lebanon against Hezbollah.”

Katz then added, “We reject Iran’s threats outright. Any Iranian attempt to link Lebanon and Iran and attack Israel will be met with great force, as happened yesterday.”

Israel’s right-wing Finance Minister, Bezalel Smotrich, reportedly proposed to the Security Cabinet on Monday that Israel should, as a deterrent, attack 20-30 buildings in Beirut’s Dahiyeh for every Iranian missile launched towards Israel.

The question now is whether Israel will stand by its promise and strike again in Dahiyeh in response to any fire at northern communities, or whether, in light of the understanding that a strike in Dahiyeh could trigger a new round of fighting with Iran, and Trump’s disapproval, Israel will try to “absorb” the attacks on the north, and limit itself to strikes against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon only. The coming hours and days will tell.

Israeli Government Leaders in Denial

On one level, Israeli government leaders may deny that Iran won this round of the conflict because all of the ballistic missiles it launched at Israel were either shot down by Israeli interceptor missiles or fell short, except for one missile. It landed in the northern West Bank community of Itamar on Monday morning, and damaged four buildings, but fortunately without injuring anyone.

But Iran did look like the winner when Trump stopped the fighting because it was the party that began the attacks Sunday, and it was the one that ended them Monday. Iran also further humiliated Netanyahu by announcing that it had told Trump it would stop attacking after having taught Israel “a lesson” by punishing it for the Sunday attack on Dahiyeh.

Iran’s military also warned that, “should aggression and hostile actions continue — including in southern Lebanon — far more severe and forceful measures [against Israel] than before will follow.”

On the night between April 13 and 14, 2024, six months after the October 7 massacre, Iran dared for the first time to launch a broad attack on Israel, sending swarms of drones, cruise missiles, and ballistic missiles in retaliation for the Israeli bombing of the Iranian embassy in Damascus on 1 April, which killed two Iranian generals. On April 19, 2024, Israel responded to “True Promise 1” with a targeted strike on an air defense system, a move meant to signal its ability to hit Iran in painful places. Israel called the operation “Iron Shield.”

Previous Israeli-Iranian Clashes

On October 1, 2024, after the assassination of Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah, Iran stated the strikes were retaliation for the killings of Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah in Beirut, and IRGC commander Abbas Nilforoushan. Iran launched its first retaliatory missile attack on Israel. In response, on October 26, 2024, Israel launched “Days of Repentance,” in which dozens of IDF fighter jets destroyed air defense systems in Iran and Syria. The Israeli warplanes also attacked and destroyed 12 planetary mixers used to produce solid fuel for Iran’s ballistic missile arsenal. The Iranian attacks, while more successful at saturating Israeli air defenses than the Iranian attack in April, did not appear to cause extensive damage. The area in and around the IDF’s Nevatim Airbase in the Negev was hit by 20 to 32 Iranian missiles, which damaged a hangar and taxiway. Several other missiles hit the Tel Nof Airbase.

About eight months later, with the permission and help from President Trump, Israel launched an attack called Operation Rising Lion on strategic targets and nuclear facilities across Iran. Tehran responded over the next 12 days by firing hundreds of ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and drones at Israeli cities. Some hit and caused destruction in cities and IDF bases, killing 33 people and wounding thousands more.

On the other side, the IDF and Mossad managed to eliminate almost all of Iran’s senior security command, including Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Chief Hossein Salami — along with key nuclear scientists and weapons experts. The IDF pre-positioned drones in Iran to disable Iran’s anti-aircraft systems, and used over 200 Israeli fighter jets to carry out strikes on more than 100 targets 1,000 miles away from Israel in Tehran, Natanz, and Isfahan. Over 50% of Iran’s ballistic missile launchers and more than 30 sites critical to its missile and drone production programs were also reportedly destroyed.

Why Israeli Officials Have a Serious Credibility Problem

The Israeli government claims about the fighting over the weekend also followed a familiar pattern. When Israel launches a war, its leaders always rush to take credit and are quick to declare victory. But when Israel is surprised by an attack, or when it is forced to hold its fire while under attack, the Israeli public will hear about it first from an outside source.

On October 7, Hamas launched its murderous attack on southern Israel after dozens of earlier rounds of fighting in which it had been militarily defeated by the IDF, but never decisively beaten. The Israeli policy of always stopping before the final, ultimate victory over its enemies led to the bloody post-October 7 war in which more than 2,100 Israeli soldiers and civilians were killed, alongside tens of thousands of wounded.

Similarly, Israeli government officials are also claiming that Israel was not forced to back down in Lebanon because IDF military operations “are continuing in Lebanon at full force, according to the principle that if Hezbollah fires at communities in northern Israel, the IDF will strike back at them in Dahieh.

“The [harsh] conversation between Netanyahu and Trump was overall good,” these officials claim, because “the two countries still see eye to eye, even though twice over the weekend the Israeli government spoke to President Trump’s public position, both in the strike against Beirut and in the counterattack on Iran.”

These officials also contend that “Israel proved its ability to stand firm on its right to self-defense even against the [wishes of an American] president, but without tearing bonds between them and while preserving the strategic [U.S.-Israeli] partnership.”

Netanyahu Claims He Is Resisting Iran’s New Ground Rules

That credibility problem is most glaring in the prime minister’s denials in a recorded video message released early Monday evening that Iran and Hezbollah have emerged from the weekend encounters significantly strengthened.

Netanyahu said that the renewed Iranian and Hezbollah alliance was “unbearable, and unacceptable to me. . . Over the past 24 hours, Iran and Hezbollah have tried to impose on us that intolerable new reality. [But] I insist on Israel’s right to act against them as our enemies,” he said.

“Right now, the fighting is on hold because after we struck the terror regime in Tehran, it ceased attacking us. Should the terror regime in Iran make the mistake of attacking us again, we will respond with force. . .

“They thought they could launch attacks from Lebanon and Iran against Israel and that we would not act. That did not happen, and it will not happen. Not on my watch,” he said, even though Netanyahu was not permitted by Trump to fully carry out his military plans against Iran twice this weekend, and a week before, with regard to Hezbollah.

Defending Israel’s Right to Self-Defense

Netanyahu also claimed that Israel’s inherent right to act in self-defense in the face of attack remains intact. “Israel has a full right to self-defense, and we are exercising it whenever necessary —I say this with appreciation and respect in my good conversations with my friend President Trump,” the prime minister said,

“That is how we have acted now as well. After Hezbollah fired into Israeli territory, I ordered the IDF to strike terrorist targets in Beirut. After Iran attacked Israel, I directed the IDF to strike military and economic targets throughout Iran.” But Netanyahu did not talk about why he later agreed to curtail those plans at Trump’s insistence.

Netanyahu also recalled the IDF’s more successful past operations. He noted that “a year ago, we launched a historic preemptive strike against Iran’s intention to destroy us with atomic bombs. We thwarted that immediate threat, and we also eliminated the tyrant Khamenei.” He then reiterated his promise that “Iran will not have nuclear weapons.”

Then he referred to Hezbollah’s plan to invade the Galil while destroying Israeli cities with 150,000 missiles and rockets. “We thwarted that threat as well, and we eliminated Nasrallah,” the prime minister said, but again omitted the fact that the Galil invasion didn’t happen only because Hamas launched its October 7 attack first.

“Our fighters are dismantling Hezbollah,” Netanyahu said, returning to the current situation in south Lebanon. “They continue to destroy all of its terrorist infrastructure in the security zone, including massive underground facilities in the Beaufort Ridge, so large that I have never seen anything like them.”

“Iran and Hezbollah are weaker than ever, and we are stronger than ever,” Netanyahu repeated, and then added as an afterthought, “but our struggle against them is not yet over.”

“At present, the fire on this front [Iran] has been halted, because after the terrorist regime in Tehran was struck, it stopped attacking us,” Netanyahu said. He then warned that, “If that terrorist regime in Iran makes the mistake of attacking us again, we will respond with force.”

“With unity, determination, and wisdom, we will defend Israel, and with Hashem’s help, we will restore security to the north,” Netanyahu concluded Monday night.

According to a New York Times political analysis, Netanyahu’s decisions to attack Hezbollah in Beirut and to respond in kind to Iran’s missile attacks may have reassured his remaining supporters that he was still capable of standing up to President Trump’s criticism at least on some rare occasions. However, that was not enough to satisfy the most right-wing cabinet members.

During a meeting of Netanyahu’s security cabinet on Sunday, according to a reporter from Channel 14, a verbal confrontation broke out between Shas party chairman Aryeh Deri and ministers Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir.

Deri sharply criticized the other two over their calls for further military escalation instead of respecting President Trump’s ceasefire calls.

“Enough with the ideas of attacking Iran and Beirut,” Deri reportedly said, because at this time “we also need to be realistic” by taking into account Israel’s military limitations instead of pursuing Israel’s strategic interests regardless of the costs.

At this point, Deri was saying, Israel and Netanyahu have no other choice but to see the military, strategic, and political alliance with Trump, which had been working so well until very recently, through to its finish.

Why Netanyahu’s Partnership With Trump Is a Mixed Blessing

Raz Zimmt, director of the Iran program at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv, told the New York Times that until recently, the Trump-Netanyahu partnership, “Certainly, had a lot of advantages, because it enabled Israel to enjoy the military might of the United States. But the very, very significant disadvantage was that it was clear from the beginning that any decision on when and how to end this war rests with President Trump. And so as long as President Trump doesn’t want to resume hostilities with Iran, Israel can really do nothing.”

Zimmt also said that because Iran’s hardline government understands this as well, it has concluded that because “President Trump doesn’t want to go back to war, they can now take some risks to make sure this linkage of developments in Iran and Lebanon [can be] maintained [to their advantage].”

They have also learned another lesson from their current war against the U.S. and Israel: that forceful retaliation has allowed them to survive, and their tolerance for economic and military pain can give them leverage against their more powerful enemies.

This is in contrast to the approach of Iran’s previous supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who had been careful to avoid situations in which Iran had to strike at Israel and the United States, and preferred to do so through Iran’s network of terrorist proxies. For example, in 2020, Iran pursued only limited retaliatory strikes against U.S. interests in the region after President Trump ordered the assassination of one of its most powerful military leaders, IRGC commander Qassem Soleimani.

Iran’s New Leaders Are Learning How to Manipulate Trump

As a result, when the new rulers of Iran took charge, they largely tolerated Israeli strikes on Hezbollah in south Lebanon in accordance with the ceasefire Hezbollah had agreed to in November, 2024. But as the new rulers became more confident in their ability to manipulate Trump through the negotiation process, they added the survival of Hezbollah as a viable military force in Lebanon to their list of negotiating demands, despite Trump’s resistance to that concept.

Iran’s new rulers believe their willingness to act more aggressively — from blockading the vital Strait of Hormuz to attacking its Gulf neighbors — has allowed them to not only survive Washington and Israel’s attacks, but to inflict economic pain and emerge with strategic leverage through control of the strait, a crucial global shipping route for oil and gas.

Iran’s new leaders have also learned that President Trump is more responsive to their demands when they adopt more aggressive tactics and strategies, and to convince him that it is easier to get Israel to pull back instead of them on such issues as attacks on Hezbollah in Beirut, and when to call an end to an exchange of fire between Iran and Israel.

Hezbollah understands that there is a gap between Israeli and U.S. objectives, especially with regard to Lebanon, and they want to put pressure on Trump to contain Israel.

They also understand that keeping Hezbollah strong creates a useful diversion, which it can create on demand by attacking northern Israel, forcing Israel to divide its military might when Iran attacks it directly again, which Iran’s new leaders are still determined to do.

Iran’s new leaders were also willing to risk retaliating directly against Israel after it attacked Hezbollah in Beirut because they know that Trump doesn’t want to go to war against them again as the midterm elections approach. Furthermore, even if that assumption proves to be wrong and Trump does decide to attack them again, Iran’s new hardline leaders are now confident that they could somehow survive in power despite another round of American-Israeli attacks, just like they did before the ceasefire in April.

At this point, it is clear that the Trump administration understands that the continued existence of Hezbollah as a rival to the authority of the legitimate Lebanese government is a formula for continued instability, border clashes with Israel, and Iranian mischief-making.

Fighting Hezbollah by Strengthening Lebanon’s Government

The only long-term solution is to recruit Israel’s help in strengthening the Lebanese government sufficiently to replace Hezbollah’s threatening military presence along the border with Israel and make the country of Lebanon viable economically and a regional financial center once again, as it was before the civil war started there more than 50 years ago.

That is why the United States convened the fourth high-level trilateral meeting between Israeli and Lebanese representatives last week. One of that meeting’s accomplishments was the issuance of a joint Israeli-Lebanese-American statement, which referred to a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Lebanon as a viable alternative to Iran’s demands for an immediate and total Israeli withdrawal from the parts of southern Lebanon now under its control.

The joint statement reads: “As a result of the U.S.-led negotiations, Israel and Lebanon agreed to the implementation of a ceasefire. The ceasefire is contingent on a complete cessation of Hezbollah fire and the evacuation of all Hezbollah operatives from the South Litani Sector.

“The two sides agreed with the guidance of the United States to swiftly advance the creation of pilot zones in which the Lebanese Armed Forces [the government’s army] will take exclusive control of the territory to the exclusion of all non-state actors [such as Hezbollah].

“These steps will enable progress towards a comprehensive peace and security agreement.”

The joint statement also included a declaration that the future of the relationship between Israel and Lebanon must be decided by the two sovereign governments alone, preventing both Iran and Hezbollah from holding Lebanon’s future hostage in their continuing efforts to attack and destroy Israel.

It also reaffirmed that “Israel and Lebanon have no hostile intent toward one another and [are] committed to continuing direct negotiations to build confidence, resolve all outstanding issues, and work toward a comprehensive agreement between the two countries. . . aimed at sustainably ensuring the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of Lebanon and Israel. This includes the dismantlement of non-state armed groups and the prevention of their re-emergence.”

The joint statement also reiterated U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s June 2 declaration that Hezbollah is not just an enemy of Israel and an enemy of America, but also that it is an enemy of Lebanon.

Finally, in the statement, “Israel reaffirmed that its security and respect for its territorial integrity can only be achieved through the disarmament of Hezbollah and the dismantlement of its infrastructure throughout Lebanon.

Those at the Adirei HaTorah event on Sunday participated in something extraordinary.

They saw tens of thousands of bnei Torah gathered together. They saw roshei yeshiva, rabbonim, yungeleit, baalei batim, fathers and sons. They heard singing, felt excitement, and sensed that they were part of something historic.

But there are some people who would see much more than a gathering.

They would see a miracle.

Imagine a Holocaust survivor entering the stadium.

He looks across the sea of faces and struggles to comprehend what he is seeing. Everywhere he turns are young men devoted to Torah learning. Tens of thousands of people who have come together for no purpose of personal gain, entertainment, or recognition. They assembled for one reason, to honor the Torah and those who dedicate their lives to studying and living by it.

To many, it is inspiring.

To him, it is almost unimaginable.

He remembers a different world.

He remembers the great Torah centers of Europe. Warsaw, Vilna, Lublin, Pressburg, Slabodka, Mir, Kletzk, Telz, Ponovezh and hundreds of towns and villages whose very air seemed filled with Torah. He remembers botei medrash that hummed day and night, yeshivos overflowing with talmidim, and communities whose lives revolved around Torah.

Then came the destruction.

The Nazis did not merely seek to murder Jews. They sought to eradicate Judaism. They burned seforim, destroyed yeshivos, murdered rabbonim, roshei yeshiva and talmidim, and attempted to sever a chain stretching back to Har Sinai.

The survivor remembers standing amid the ruins and wondering whether that chain had been broken forever.

He remembers the ashes.

He remembers the silence.

He remembers a world in which entire communities vanished almost overnight.

Who could have imagined then what would come next?

Who could have imagined that less than a century later, there would be gatherings of tens of thousands of bnei Torah in America?

Who could have imagined stadiums filled not for sports, not for politics, not for entertainment, but solely for kavod haTorah?

A survivor would not simply see a crowd.

He would see the grandchildren of those who never had the opportunity to grow old.

He would see the dreams of murdered parents and grandparents walking among the living.

He would see proof that the Jewish people possess a resilience that defies every law of history.

Most nations celebrate military victories, economic achievements, or political triumphs.

The Jewish people fill stadiums to celebrate Torah.

A survivor would understand the significance of that better than anyone.

He witnessed what happens when Jews lose everything. Homes can be confiscated. Businesses can be destroyed. Entire communities can be wiped out.

Yet one thing endured.

The Torah.

The Nazis believed that they were burying the future of the Jewish people.

Instead, they planted seeds.

From the remnants emerged new yeshivos. From displaced persons camps emerged future roshei yeshiva, rabbonim, and teachers. Survivors crossed oceans carrying little more than faith, memories, and an unwavering commitment to rebuild.

Today, their descendants fill botei medrash across the globe.

Every young man learning a blatt Gemara is a declaration that the Jewish story continues.

Every yeshiva is a monument greater than any structure of stone.

Every child learning Alef-Bais is a victory over those who sought to extinguish us.

There is another person whose eyes would fill with tears upon entering the Adirei HaTorah event.

Not a survivor of Europe, but a Torah Jew who lived in America during the 1930s and 1940s.

He remembers a very different America.

Today we speak about the flourishing Torah world in the United States as though it were inevitable.

It was anything but.

In those years, many observers—within and outside the Orthodox community—were convinced that traditional Judaism had little future in America.

The challenges seemed overwhelming.

Shabbos observance often came at the cost of employment. Day schools were scarce. Yeshivos struggled to survive. Children of immigrants rapidly assimilated. The prevailing assumption was that America could provide economic opportunity, but never become a true home for Torah.

Europe was where Torah flourished.

America was where it would fade away.

Even many sincere Torah Jews feared that Orthodoxy might survive only as a small and shrinking remnant.

Had you told someone in those years that one day tens of thousands of bnei Torah would gather in a packed stadium to celebrate Torah learning, he would have thought that you were describing a fantasy.

A stadium?

Filled with lomdei Torah?

In America?

The very idea would have seemed impossible.

Imagine bringing such a Jew to Adirei HaTorah.

He would look around in astonishment.

Not because he had never seen a large crowd, but because he had spent a lifetime hearing that such a crowd could never exist.

Every face would refute the predictions.

Every yeshiva represented would disprove the experts.

Every voice joining in song would testify that Torah had not merely survived in America, but had flourished beyond anyone’s expectations.

The small yeshivos that struggled to keep their doors open became thriving institutions.

The handful became thousands.

The thousands became tens of thousands.

What many believed could never take root on American soil became one of the greatest centers of Torah learning in the world.

Standing at Adirei HaTorah, he would realize that he is witnessing one of the greatest surprises in modern Jewish history.

The dream became reality.

In truth, these two men, the survivor from Europe and the Torah Jew from early America, are seeing the same thing.

One sees the defeat of Hitler.

The other sees the defeat of assimilation.

One remembers a world where Torah was nearly destroyed.

The other remembers a world where Torah was expected to disappear.

Both arrive at the same conclusion.

The chain was not broken.

The Torah lives.

Yet, perhaps there is an even deeper perspective.

The survivor and the American Torah pioneer would not merely be looking at a crowd. They would be looking at the fulfillment of their hopes and prayers.

For the young men filling the stadium are not merely participants in an event. They are the answer to questions that previous generations carried in their hearts.

The survivor wondered whether there would be grandchildren learning Torah.

There are.

The immigrant who struggled to keep Shabbos wondered whether his descendants would remain faithful to Yiddishkeit.

They did.

The rosh yeshiva who opened a small classroom with a handful of students wondered whether Torah would ever flourish in America.

It has.

The parents who sacrificed comfort and convenience so their children could receive a Torah education wondered whether those sacrifices would bear fruit.

The fruit is before us.

What previous generations could only dream about, this generation experiences as reality.

And perhaps that is the greatest lesson of all.

When we look at a gathering such as Adirei HaTorah, we should not merely count how many people are present.

We should think about how many people stand behind them.

Behind every ben Torah are parents and grandparents who sacrificed. Behind every shteiging yungerman is a dedicated wife.

Behind every yeshiva are visionaries who built when there was little reason to believe they would succeed.

Behind every row of young men holding Gemaros are generations who carried the Torah through poverty, persecution, exile, and uncertainty.

In a sense, every seat in the stadium is occupied by more than one person.

The living fill the seats.

But surrounding them are the hopes, dreams, prayers, and sacrifices of generations past.

As the singing rises and the voices of thousands join together in honor of Torah, one can almost hear the verdict of history itself.

Those who sought to destroy us failed.

Those who predicted our decline were mistaken.

Against every calculation, every forecast, and every expectation, the Torah world has risen from the ashes, crossed oceans, taken root in new lands, and flourished beyond imagination.

The world may see a gathering.

They would see a resurrection.

The world may see a stadium.

They would see the rebuilding of a civilization.

The world may see an event.

They would see the fulfillment of a promise that has accompanied our people through every exile and every persecution: that the Torah entrusted to us at Har Sinai will never disappear from the Jewish people.

Standing amid the tens of thousands assembled for the honor of Torah, they would know that they are witnessing far more than a celebration.

They are witnessing eternity.

They tried to extinguish the flame.

Instead, it became a blazing fire.

And its light continues to illuminate the world.

Many articles about the growth of the Torah world focus on numbers — how many attendees, how many yeshivos, how many students, how many communities. Those numbers are certainly remarkable.

But what makes Adirei HaTorah so moving is that it is not really a story about quantity. It is a story about improbability.

If you had stood in Europe in 1945 amid the ruins of Jewish civilization, you would not have predicted this.

If you had stood in America in 1950, when many believed that Torah Judaism was destined to fade into history, you would not have predicted this.

If you had asked the survivors, the struggling roshei yeshiva, the rabbonim fighting off efforts to lower the mechitzah and open the parking lot, the immigrants fighting to keep Shabbos, or the parents sacrificing everything to send a child to yeshiva, they would have hoped for this, but many would have hardly dared imagine it.

That is why a gathering like Adirei HaTorah feels different. It is not merely large. It is unexpected. It represents the triumph of faith over statistics, conviction over prediction, and mesorah over the powerful currents that seemed destined to sweep it away.

Perhaps the most powerful image is not the stadium itself, but the thought of those earlier generations looking upon it.

A survivor searching the crowd for the grandchildren he feared would never exist.

A European rosh yeshiva seeing thousands of talmidim learning on a continent once thought inhospitable to Torah.

An immigrant laborer who lost job after job for Shabbos watching generations of descendants proudly living as Torah Jews.

A mother who scrimped and sacrificed to pay yeshiva tuition seeing a world where Torah education is cherished and sought after.

What would they say?

Perhaps nothing.

Perhaps they would simply stand silently and cry.

Not tears of sadness, but tears of gratitude.

Because before them would stand the answer to decades of prayers.

A living testimony that Torah is not merely preserved in books. It lives within people. It passes from parent to child, rebbi to talmid, generation to generation. And as long as that chain remains unbroken, the story of Klal Yisroel continues.

That is what makes Adirei HaTorah so powerful.

It is not only a celebration of those learning Torah today.

It is a tribute to those who made sure that there would still be Jews learning Torah today. And it is a declaration to future generations that the chain they preserved is now in our hands.

Yet, Adirei HaTorah is not merely a celebration of the past.

It is a celebration of the present.

To focus only on what was lost or what was rebuilt would be to miss the extraordinary reality standing before us.

The greatest achievement of Torah Jewry is not that Torah survived.

It is that Torah lives.

Across America and around the world, hundreds of thousands of Jews begin and end their days with Torah. Botei medrash hum from early morning until late at night. Young men devote years to serious Torah study. Baalei batim rise before dawn and remain after exhausting workdays to learn. Children fill classrooms learning Chumash, Mishnah, Gemara, and halacha. Families build homes centered around Shabbos, tefillah, chesed, and mitzvos.

This is not a museum preserving a glorious past.

It is a vibrant, living world.

The Torah celebrated at Adirei HaTorah is not merely the Torah learned by previous generations.

It is the Torah being learned today.

At this very moment, somewhere, a father is learning with his child. Somewhere, a rebbi is teaching a class. Somewhere, a chavrusa is struggling over a difficult Tosafos. Somewhere, a young boy is reciting Alef-Beis. Somewhere, a young girl is learning what it means to live a life of kedusha and emunah.

The chain continues to grow.

And perhaps that is what makes the gathering so remarkable.

The attendees are not gathering around a memory.

They are gathering around a reality.

The world often measures success through wealth, power, fame, or influence.

Adirei HaTorah celebrates something entirely different.

It celebrates people who dedicate themselves to understanding Hashem’s wisdom.

It celebrates lives shaped by Torah values.

It celebrates parents who sacrifice for Torah education, teachers who devote themselves to their students, communities built upon chesed, and individuals who strive each day to become better servants of Hashem.

In an age captivated by celebrities, athletes, entertainers, and influencers, tens of thousands gather to honor lomdei Torah.

What does that say about a people?

It says that despite all the changes in the world, despite the distractions and pressures of modern life, Torah remains at the center of Jewish existence.

The significance of Adirei HaTorah is not merely that tens of thousands attend.

It is what those tens of thousands represent.

They represent countless more learning in yeshivos and kollelim here and around the world.

They represent families striving to build Torah homes.

They represent communities where Torah guides daily life.

They represent a generation that appreciates that Torah is not an artifact of the past, but the foundation of the present and the future.

That is worthy of celebration.

Not only because previous generations dreamed it would happen.

But because it is happening.

Perhaps one of the most remarkable aspects of Adirei HaTorah is that many of those who attend do not fully appreciate how remarkable it is.

Not because they are ungrateful.

But because they are young.

They were born into a world where Torah flourishes.

For them, bustling botei medrash are normal. Thriving yeshivos are normal. Torah communities stretching across cities and continents are normal. Fathers learning with their children, kollelim filled with yungeleit, schools overflowing with students, and neighborhoods built around Torah life are simply the reality they have always known.

They never experienced the world that came before.

They never stood in the shadow of the destruction of Europe.

They never heard predictions that Orthodox Judaism could not survive in America.

They never saw yeshivos struggling to keep their doors open or families fighting to preserve Torah observance against overwhelming odds.

And that is precisely what makes the moment so extraordinary.

The greatest victories eventually become so complete that people forget there was ever a battle.

The young man sitting in a packed stadium surrounded by tens of thousands of fellow bnei Torah naturally assumes that this is how things are supposed to be.

But the generations before him know differently.

They know how improbable it all is.

They know how many obstacles stood in the way.

They know how many tears were shed, how many sacrifices were made, how many tefillos were offered, and how much faith was required to bring the Torah world to this point.

The young men filling the seats see themselves as ordinary participants in an extraordinary event.

But from the perspective of history, they are the event.

They are what previous generations dreamed about.

They are the answer to prayers offered in DP camps, in struggling yeshivos, in immigrant apartments, and in homes where parents wondered whether their children and grandchildren would remain faithful to Torah.

The greatest tribute to those earlier generations is not merely remembering their sacrifices.

It is recognizing what those sacrifices produced.

Look around the stadium.

Look at the thousands of young faces.

That is the achievement.

That is the victory.

That is the miracle.

Not simply that Torah survived.

But that an entire generation has grown up taking its flourishing for granted.

And perhaps that is the most profound sight of all.

The builders of the Torah world would look upon those young men and smile.

For they would know that what was once an impossible dream has become reality.

Rav Aharon Kotler, the Ponovezher Rov, the roshei yeshiva of Telz, and the many other builders of Torah who were mocked, criticized and perceived as irrational and impractical relics are today viewed as heroes blessed with incredible foresight and spiritual strength.

It’s a new day, a new era, with new vistas, old battles won and new battles to be fought. We look forward with faith and strength, saluting today’s heroes who make it possible, leading, supporting and implementing shelo yomush haTorah hazos mipinu umipi zareinu vezera zareinu ad olam ad bias Moshiach Tzidkeinu bekarov beyomeinu. Amein.

W_riter’s note: Dear reader, please forgive me for writing an article such as this just after the tremendous simcha, chizuk, and awe-inspiring manifestation of kavod haTorah and chizuk haTorah at the incredible Adirei HaTorah gathering this past Sunday. The truth is that these words were written well before the Adirei HaTorah gathering, after I had pondered this issue for a long time. Had I realized that it would be published the week of the Adirei HaTorah gathering, I probably would not have submitted it for this week._

That said, my second thought was: Aderaba, is there any greater kavod haTorah and chizuk haTorah than promoting the concept of emulating the Nosein HaTorah—mah Hu rachum af atah rachum? Is there any greater kavod haTorah and chizuk haTorah than strengthening the institution of a bayis shel Torah?

It is no secret that we have not only a divorce crisis on our hands, but also a shalom bayis crisis. Divorce rates, especially among young couples, are rising and rising. We all know it, we see it, and we are wringing our hands in despair. Aside from the divorce rate in our communities, which by all accounts has skyrocketed over the past number of years, we must understand that for every divorce, there are many couples who, boruch Hashem, do not get divorced but are nevertheless struggling and under tremendous stress.

Many of the heroic men and women in our community who help these couples highlight that there is a crisis at hand. A real crisis.

So, what do we do?

The Middos Deficiency

Before going further, I want to say something that, as much as I hate to say it, has to be said. After speaking with people involved in this field and people involved in the bais din system where gittin are being processed, it has become clear that the majority of the issues (certainly not all, but a majority) stem from middos deficiencies in young men. Yes, there is plenty of blame to go around, but too often it starts with the young men.

“They are simply not mechunach in middos, in basic mentchlichkeit,” was the way one person put it.

Why is this problem much more pronounced than it once was and why are things getting worse?

Certainly, there is no single answer, but without a doubt, a primary answer is that we live in a generation in which selfishness reigns supreme.

The world today is very megusham. We have everything. Our youth are accustomed to living with everything. The cleaning lady or their mother cleans up after them. They are given money to buy supper or lunch when they do not like what the yeshiva serves. There are numerous other examples of how we coddle our children, and they therefore have very little practice or experience in dealing with difficulty or adversity.

The G-dlessness and Selfishness of the Outer World Is Penetrating

These deficiencies that are evident in our frum world really come from the outside world. We live in a G-dless world. Just look at our politics. Totally selfish. Cutthroat. The way politicians savage each other in public is beyond disgusting.

In the old days, if a politician had done what today’s politicians on both sides of the aisle do, he would have been ostracized and considered a bad sport or “ungentlemanly.” Today, the meaner, angrier, more brazen, and more uncouth you are, the more popular you become.

Last week, I saw an old politician who lost an election being praised for giving a concession speech that, even ten years ago, would have been considered run-of-the-mill. Today, an honorable concession speech is a chiddush. Look at Thomas Massie, who recently lost his seat in the House of Representatives. He gave a concession speech by blaming the Jews and savaging the Jews.

Bottom line: The selfishness and G-dlessness that permeate the entire world have trickled down to us. We see it wherever we turn, but its results are particularly tragic and destructive when it comes to marriage.

It has come to a point where we can no longer assume that our children, our youth, our teens, and our young adults are going to learn good middos by osmosis. They will not.

The only thing they may learn by osmosis is selfishness, cruelty, and the importance of one thing alone: “Me.”

The Difference Between Manners and Middos

That being said, it is up to us to place an emphasis on being mechanech for middos in our homes, our yeshivos, and our schools.

When I say middos, I do not mean manners. The Germans also had wonderful manners. Manners alone are almost worthless. Saying please and thank you like a trained monkey is not worth much.

Middos means being mechanech in a way that is rooted in emulating Hashem. The posuk states, “Ubo sidbak.” We are commanded to cling to Hashem, to attach ourselves to Hashem. Just as Hashem is merciful, so should you be merciful. Just as Hashem is gomel chesed, so should you be gomel chesed.

We are not talking about deep ideas from the Ramchal or the Maharal. We are talking about basics.

“What you do not want someone to do to you, do not do to another.”

Being nosei b’ol and thinking about someone else’s needs. Transcending yourself, transcending your selfishness, and thinking about someone else, not because you can get something from that person if you are nice to him or her, but simply because you want to emulate Hashem by considering the needs of others and putting yourself in his or her place.

I do not know what is currently done in yeshivos, but I can tell you that when I went to yeshiva, our rabbeim really emphasized chinuch in areas of bein adam lachaveiro, basic things like trying to be considerate of a roommate when he is sleeping, filling up the washing cup after you for the next person, bringing a chair for someone else before bringing one for yourself—things that are very basic and teach you that you are not the only one in the world.

The truth is that even a yeshiva that has a structured Shabbos seudah demonstrates a form of chinuch. When there is a seder, when zemiros are sung, when a rebbi or a rosh yeshiva sits with the bochurim and says a devar Torah, when bochurim help serve, that is also part of being mechunach in middos.

When a bochur can come into the dining room on Shabbos, make Kiddush, wash, eat his seudah, and leave without singing a zemer or meaningfully participating in a seudah as part of a rabbim, that itself engenders the selfish nature of ani v’afsi. It becomes all about me and my needs. No one else really matters.

Are We Teaching Middos?

Are we teaching the basic middos of mentchlichkeit to our children and talmidim?

One distinguished rov who deals in shalom bayis told me that if it were up to him, he would establish a system in which it would be mandatory for every bochur who goes to learn at Bais Medrash Govoah to attend a weekly vaad focused on inculcating middos and mentchlichkeit.

The vaad would be given by a handpicked distinguished elder talmid, an alumnus of the yeshiva from which the bochur came. For example, a bochur who learned in Paterson would attend a vaad given by an older yungerman who was also a talmid of Paterson and had been appointed by the rosh yeshiva to deliver the vaad. The same would apply to Philadelphia, Keren HaTorah, Springfield, Long Beach, and so on.

We cannot simply let bochurim dive into marriage without chinuch in basic middos and mentchlichkeit. We cannot take anything for granted anymore, certainly not something this important. We do not have the luxury of assuming that they will somehow “figure it out” the way everyone in previous generations did.

“If It Would Have Been the Opposite…”

The Alter of Kelm writes (Ohr Rashaz, Parshas Bereishis, Maamar 39) about something that is a bit frightening. He writes about a time when terrible pogroms were taking place in Eastern Europe. When news of those pogroms and the cruel deaths and torture being suffered by Yidden in Eastern Europe reached Germany, Rav Shamshon Raphael Hirsch gathered his entire kehillah and delivered a drosha for more than three hours with great hisorerus. The entire community came to the shul and spent hours crying bitter tears and fasting because they were genuinely distraught over what was happening to Yidden—Yidden whom they did not even know— in another part of the world.

The Alter asked a powerful question: If, chas veshalom, it would have been the opposite—if something had happened to the Jews in a faraway country—would we here feel the same level of pain and distress?

Our times are not the same as the world of the Alter of Kelm. The world we live in is not the same. We do not even live in the world of Ronald Reagan, when, lehavdil, even in the non-Jewish world, there were certain basics that one could take for granted.

When Does a Child Become an Adult? “When They Stop Thinking Just of Themselves”

We must teach our children and our talmidim everything. We cannot assume that they know that a person must think—truly think—about how someone else feels.

In Abie Rotenberg’s fourth edition of the Amazing Marvelous Middos Machine, he sings about the difference between a child and an adult. He says:

“…I know the exact time and moment,When a kid turns into an adult.No, it’s not when a boy reaches 13,Or the day that a girl becomes 12.Kids are ready to do all the mitzvosWhen they stop thinking just of themselves…”

It is time to put a lot more effort into that. If we do not, I am afraid that the mesadrei gittin are going to be a lot busier, chalilah.

We have always been taught that everything that was created and even invented or discovered is for Klal Yisroel (see, for instance, Vayikra Rabbah, Bechukosai 36). However, when the Chofetz Chaim (see end of his Sefer Sheim Olam) was told that a machine had been invented that showed a video of our actions, he began to cry. His “benefactors” were aghast. “But rebbe,” they protested, “now what the Mishnah (this week’s perek, Avos 2:1) declared has been proven and can be imagined more clearly: ‘Know what is above you — a watchful Eye, an attentive Ear and all your deeds are recorded in a Book.’” The great tzaddik answered, “I am crying because I am an old man. I can remember when every Yid who learned this Mishnah believed these words with a full heart. Today, we require a human invention to prove it to us. Look how low we have fallen.”

Although the Chofetz Chaim’s words ring painfully true, we must also marvel at how Hashem sends us new technology when we need it. We know that “Hashem has made the one as well as the other” (Koheles 7:14). This means, amongst other things, that whatever Hashem makes or allows to be discovered is a two-edged sword. It all depends upon how we choose to use something. Nuclear energy can be a boon to mankind or can be used to annihilate all that exists. We can download wonderful Torah on the internet, but it can also destroy families in an instant and lead formerly decent people far from where they should be.

Looking more deeply, the words “Know what is above you” are a poignant reminder of the Chofetz Chaim’s teachings about how low we have fallen from our earlier greatness. The Hafla’ah (introduction, Pischa Ze’ira 7) explains this as referring to “the days when the prophets were able to see all. At Sinai, we all heard the incredible sounds, and even in the times of the Gemara, they still heard sounds from heaven (bas kol). After that, everything was written down, even what was once limited to the spoken word (baal peh).” The Maggid of Kozhnitz (Keser Yehudah, page 48) delineated this even more specifically by historical era: “The ‘eye that sees’ refers to the era of the first Bais Hamikdosh, when the Urim Vetumim showed the truth clearly and irrefutably. This defined the moment of Kabbolas HaTorah too, with the bas kol, but eventually all was simply written down and available for study.”

Speaking of the Chofetz Chaim, he used to tell businessmen in the name of Rav Itzele of Volozhin that “the answer to any question in commerce could be found in the Torah, if one only has the right eyes to see” (Rav Y.Y. Yasher, HaChofetz Chaim Upe’olov, page 310). Perhaps this was the source for the Chofetz Chaim’s tears when shown his first video. He understood very well that this was another sign of the downsizing of mankind and even Klal Yisroel. To the eminent Mishnah Berurah, “there is nothing that is not hidden in the Torah” (Taanis 9a) was a statement about the practical and accessible Torah as a tool in daily life.

The Chasam Sofer (Drashos for Sukkos, page 52) adds that Dovid Hamelech reveals in Tehillim (119:24) that “Your testimonies are my preoccupation, they are my counselors.” He explains this to mean that throughout the ages, our “counselors,” meaning the sages of Klal Yisroel, were able to look into the Torah for answers to any question. He shows from Chazal (Chulin 95b) that this is what the Gemara means when the Amora Shmuel deduced an answer from a Sefer Torah. Furthermore, when the Torah (Devorim 17:19) says that the king must “study the Sefer Torah all the days of his life,” it actually means that “in it and from it he can discern and understand whatever happens in his life.”

The Chasam Sofer (Drashos for Sukkos, page 52) takes all this an important step further. Dovid Hamelech uses the term shaashu’ai, which actually refers to one who is learning Torah in depth, with great pleasure and absorption. Even if he is not searching for any answers or solutions to problems, he will discover them through his learning anyway. Such is the profound fount of wisdom that is the Torah that it automatically grants its followers the wisdom and sagacity they require. The Bnei Yissoschor (month of Sivan 5:11) sees this concept in the Medrash on Mishlei which promises, “If you wish, you may find advice on any subject in the teachings of the Torah.” Thus, although the generations have descended steadily downward over the millennia, we can still access the ultimate eternal wisdom of the Torah through our devotion to its study.

In case all of this seems somewhat esoteric and far from our spiritual levels, there is tremendous good news in Chazal and the Rishonim. Tosafos (Brachos 6a) quotes the Mishnah above and adds that, of course, it is not only our sins and mistakes that are divinely recorded, but “the measure of goodness (middah tovah) is always greater than that of punishment,” and therefore, every good thing we do is immediately recorded. Indeed, there is a well-known Medrash (Rus Rabbah 5:6) that enhances this statement many times over: “If Reuven had known that Hashem was going to write up his rescue of Yosef from the hands of his brothers, he would have brought him back on his shoulders to his father. If Aharon had known that Hashem was going to write up that he was going to greet Moshe (Shemos 4:14), he would have gone with a band and musical instruments. If Boaz had known that Hashem was going to write in the Torah that ‘he handed her parched grain and she ate and was satisfied’ (Rus 2:14), he would have fed her fattened calves.” The Medrash concludes that several Tannaim said in the name of Rav Levi, “In times long gone, when a person did a mitzvah, the novi would write it down. But today, who is writing down when a person performs a mitzvah? The answer is that Eliyahu Hanovi writes it down and the Melech HaMoshiach and Hashem Himself sign the document.”

The Chiddushei Harim (quoted in Sefer Ezer Shmuel, page 161) says that it cannot be that such giants as Reuven, Aharon and Boaz would have acted differently and better if they had known that their actions would have been publicized and advertised. It means that had they been aware that the actions that they thought of as being intuitive and simple were actually worthy of becoming part of the Torah, they would have each prepared themselves more assiduously to perform them with even more holiness and purity.

Thus, we see that although some of the venue has changed, everything is recorded. If I may inject a personal note, I have now been to the sites of the concentration camps several times. It is always moving, since between my parents, they suffered through at least nine of these purgatories on earth. However, each time I learn something new. On our last trip, for the first time, I explored large posters and billboards bearing the names of millions, although not all, of the victims of Churban Europa, the Holocaust. I read the names of my parents, grandparents, uncles, aunts and other relatives. It was moving, shattering and strangely consoling. But it was suddenly clear to me that new abilities to travel, see and even touch my past had been miraculously made available to me. In fact, one of the Lelover Rebbes revealed that “just as the Torah records the travels of Klal Yisroel through the desert and beyond, so will be recorded all the travels and indeed travails of Klal Yisroel in her exiles, and this will become a sefer that will be studied in the World to Come” (Shmuos Yitzchok, Parshas Masei). Thank You, Hashem, for recording everything.

We now know that we are all authors. The book we are writing is our actions, for better or, G-d forbid, worse. When Rav Eliyahu Yehoshua Geldzahler told the Pnei Menachem that he was writing a sefer and was asking for a haskamah, the Gerrer Rebbe answered, “I, too, am writing a sefer. It is kol maasecha basefer nichtavim — the one mentioned in Pirkei Avos that we are all recording.”

I daresay that in an era when half of mankind seems to have a podcast or at least their fifteen minutes of fame, it has become all the more obvious that each member of Klal Yisroel has an opportunity and a mandate to write of great, wonderful and positive things in our lives. We don’t need a publisher. We have the best one of all. We don’t need an editor, for the Great Editor and Publisher sees all, hears everything and preserves every moment. Yes, it is frightening, but it is uplifting to know that we, too, can be in the company of Reuven, Aharon and Boaz, whose movements and actions were recorded for posterity.

May our personal videos be laden with mitzvos, good middos, sacrifice for others, and proudly shown for eternity on the most sublime screen of all.

Sunday. The sun was shining and the crowds began streaming in from all places across the metropolitan area. The electricity in the room was palpable.

Packed to capacity, there was not a seat to spare. For weeks beforehand, people had been talking about it. It was the buzz at Shabbos tables, and parents and even grandparents all waited in anticipation for the day to come. Something historic was about to unfold. The participants themselves, the stars of the event, had been coming home every night with a special glow, reminding their loved ones to mark the date. They were to be celebrated as the upholders of Torah, those lomdei Torah upon whom, the meforshim tell us, the very world stands.

I entered the large event hall, adorned with care: banners draped behind the mechubadim, a deliberate beauty that announced before a single word was spoken that this was no ordinary gathering.

When the program began, the room fell silent.

And then, one of the choshuve “honorees,” one of the participants who holds up the world with his Torah, began to speak.

“Vayikra, un er hut gerufin. El Moshe, tzu Moshe.”

No. This was not the Adirei HaTorah event. This was the seudas Chumash for Pre-1A at The Cheder in Brooklyn. And if, for the first few sentences, my dear readers were absolutely certain that I was describing that magnificent maamad in Philadelphia, then I have made my point before I’ve even made it. Because the only difference between those two events, the only one that actually matters, is that one of them had better parking.

Now, before anyone accuses me of minimizing what happened at the Xfinity Mobile Arena, let me say clearly: I am not. Adirei HaTorah was breathtaking. Twenty thousand Yidden in one arena, ten thousand in another. Yungeleit, baalei batim, fathers and sons gathered to declare, in an arena that has hosted rock concerts and hockey playoffs, that the yungerman sitting and learning is the most important person in the room. Any room. The mission of the evening, as the roshei yeshiva articulated with a clarity that cut right through the noise of modern life, was nothing less than restoring the glory of the lomeid Torah.

The roshei yeshiva spoke. Rav Yitzchok Soloveitchik spoke. And the massive audience spoke in ways louder than ever heard before on these shores. There is nothing comparable in the enormity of the event. But maybe, in some ways, in the Heavenly scales, there is a spiritual match.

Chazal teach us a deceptively simple observation: Im ein gedayim, ein teyashim — If there are no kids, there are no goats. If there are no kids, there will be no adults. Without that Chumash seudah, there is no Adirei HaTorah.

A generation of lomdei Torah does not materialize from thin air at a sports arena. It is assembled, one posuk at a time, in classrooms across the country. It may begin in Pre 1-A classrooms that smell like melted crayons, with a whiff of spilled grape juice, with pre-school rabbeim whose names will never appear in lights and will never enter rooms accompanied by musicians playing “Yomim,” but it is the patience and perseverance of those melamdei tinokos that quietly seed the fertile ground that grows the men who are one day celebrated in giant arenas.

Those twenty thousand men in Philadelphia were once five years old. Every single one of them had a moment, a first posuk, a first Rashi, a first Tosafos. Then a Maharsha and all the seforim, Rishonim and Acharonim that were so proudly articulated at Sunday night’s event.

The great celebration of thirty thousand is nothing less than the sum of thousands of tiny siyumim and haschalos of tens of thousands of kinderlach. A child finishing his first parsha. A boy chanting Bereishis bara Elokim with slightly more confidence because his rebbi infused in him the ahavas haTorah that will one day manifest itself in hours of yegiah on a bench in the Mir or Ponovezh, or a seat in BMG.

We know that the world stands on the Torah of tinokes shel bais rabbon. Maybe the Adirei HaTorah stand on them too.

I am reminded of something I heard in 1985 at a kollel dinner in Pittsburgh. If the source surprises you, it surprised me considerably more. The speaker was Dick Caliguiri, then the mayor of Pittsburgh, a man whose familiarity with Gemara was, shall we say, nonexistent, but whose instinct for truth was remarkably poignant. It was not long after Mikhail Gorbachev came to power and established perestroika, and Torah was slowly, cautiously, coming back to life in the Soviet Union. The mayor had recently visited the Soviet Union, and for reasons I never understood, he said that he had visited a kollel there. It quietly and courageously had taken root in the chaos of the times, behind what remained of the crumbling Iron Curtain. He told our entire audience in that Pittsburgh ballroom about those fewer than ten men, sitting in a cramped room, learning Talmud in a city that had spent decades trying to make the very thought of it illegal.

He looked out at us and said something I have never forgotten: “I know that the only reason there is a kollel in Moscow is because there is a kollel here in Pittsburgh.”

The man was an Italian-American mayor with no yichus to speak of and no knowledge of Torah other than two day schools and a kollel in his town. And yet he had articulated, without knowing it, something our greatest mussar giants have always taught us. Torah is never isolated or unconnected. Everything is linked. Every link holds the next one up. And chains are only as strong as their weakest or, in this case, smallest link, the five-year-old reciting Vayikra and Bereishis into a microphone that is slightly too tall for him.

That child in Brooklyn is not a warm-up act for Philadelphia. He is also Philadelphia. He is an Adir HaTorah, and if we train him right, he will grow to be celebrated, not in the basement of a cheder in Brooklyn, but in large stadiums that will host all of Klal Yisroel.

So I say: Bring on the rugelach and coffee. Bring on the folding chairs and the slightly off-key singing and the banner that says mazel tov in gold letters that have been quietly peeling off since the time they made the banner years ago. Bring on the small boys with their beautiful paper crowns, some that are sitting on the noses or held up by the ears of the boys with smaller heads. Then remember to applaud loud enough so that it will echo all the way to Philadelphia.

Adirei HaTorah happens once a year. A Siyum Hashas happens once in seven. They are glorious and they are necessary and they lift the entire klal in ways that are real and lasting.

But a child saying his first posuk of Chumash? That happens every single week even in front of a grandmother who is already crying before he opens his mouth. But that grandmother will be the mother of the daughter who is crying with pride at the accomplishments of her husband who said his first chaburah in BMG.

Those twenty thousand Adirei in Philadelphia are the teyashim or the tzon. Strong, proud, magnificent goats, each one a world. But the kids? The gedayim?

Without the seudas Chumash and the crooked yarmulka and the microphone that is slightly too tall, you have no event to plan, no arena to fill, no maamad to speak of.

Celebrate them. Cherish them. Nurture them. They are and will be the next generation of Adirei HaTorah.

Just Saying.

Forced Organ Harvesting, China’s Booming Industry

Congress held hearings earlier this month from eyewitnesses who testified about one of the most chilling human rights abuses of the modern era– forced organ-harvesting, the removal of internal organs from a living patient without his consent.

For years, Congressman Chris Smith, R-NJ, who chairs the Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC), has sought to shine a spotlight on China’s alleged forced organ harvesting industry.

Driven not only by demand within China but also by transplant seekers from dozens of countries—including the United States and Canada—the practice has grown into a flourishing international enterprise.

International investigators have documented China’s barbaric practice of surgically removing organs from prisoners and dissidents while victims are still alive.

According to human rights experts, thousands of innocent people have been killed through this process, with their organs immediately matched to recipients and sold for transplant. The practice has been described as matching “the cruelty and wickedness of medieval torturers and executioners.”

In the May 16 hearing, eyewitnesses who survived or escaped the Chinese gulag testified that the Chinese Communist Party has built this vast industry through the forced harvesting of organs from death row prisoners, as well as from millions of prisoners of conscience in Chinese prison camps.

They described evidence that imprisoned members of Falun Gong, the Uyghurs, and other persecuted ethnic and religious minorities have been targeted as organ sources, enabling China’s transplant system to perform large numbers of transplants with remarkably short waiting times.

The way this allegedly works is by Chinese authorities timing the executions of prisoners to correspond with the short window of time in which a donor’s organ retains enough freshness to be successfully transplanted.

Instances of a liver or heart being delivered to a patient on demand are unheard of in the rest of the world, where the process involves a referral to an organ-matching agency, blood and antigen tests, being matched with a voluntary organ donor, and eventually receiving the organ transplant. The process typically takes years.

China’s Camps of Terror

“This Commission has received rare and extraordinary eyewitness accounts from inside the Chinese gulag itself,” said Rep. Smith in his opening statement. “Ali Motevalian’s written testimony details his incarceration in a prison hospital near Shanghai, and Kalbinur Sidik’s testimony describes the detention camps of the Uyghur Region.

“Together, their accounts shatter Beijing’s fiction that its transplant system is voluntary and compliant with international standards. The Chinese Communist Party told the world it had ended the use of executed prisoners’ organs. These eyewitnesses say otherwise,” Smith said.

Inside the prison hospital system, in 2020 and 2021—years after Beijing told the world it had stopped taking organs from prisoners—Ali testified he saw “unconscious, shackled men brought by armed personnel directly into surgery rooms. They never returned. He saw bodies taken on carts toward the rear of a building where an incinerator operated.”

“A second eyewitness, Kalbinur Sidik, brings us inside another part of the Chinese gulag: the camps of the Uyghur Region,” Smith told the Commission. “Her account, which she will give herself before this panel, shows a system where human beings are reduced to commodities with their organs sold to the highest bidder. Police in these camps systematically perpetrate brutality and abuse on the imprisoned with impunity.”

The prison hospitals and modern-day gulags described in these testimonies are not places of medical care or rehabilitation, the New Jersey congressman said. “They are crime scenes—part of a system of coercion, medical abuse, and genocide.”

“Organ crimes are not just a China problem,” he emphasized. “It is a global one that flourishes wherever coercion, poverty, corruption, secrecy, and demand intersect. That is why Congress must act.”

Five U.S. states have passed laws prohibiting health insurance coverage for organ transplants linked to China. Critics applaud the move but contend it is only a meager first step against an abuse that demands a far more vigorous response.

Faith of Any Kind Must be Crushed

The Communist regime’s relentless campaign against religion stems from a simple fear: people of spiritual faith answer to a higher power than the Party and thus threaten totalitarianism.

The most widespread organ harvesting allegations in China centered first on people of the Falun Gong faith—peaceful men and women targeted by the Chinese Communist Party for eradication merely because of their religious beliefs.

Later came mounting evidence of organ harvesting from people of other faiths; from the Uyghurs, Tibetans, Christians, death row inmates, and others treated as property of the state.

Witnesses described the monstrous system whereby the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) profits from murdering healthy 28-year-old Uyghurs to sell their organs to the rich. In China, a wealthy CCP member can order a heart, kidney, liver, or other organs needed to survive. The organs come from young adults who are executed.

Ethan Gutmann, a China studies expert at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, explained to the Commission that the target age is always 28 because that’s “when your organs have reached maturity and yet you haven’t started to deteriorate.”

Whether by gunshot or lethal injection preceding extraction, killing victims through organ harvesting ensures organ freshness and substantial profits for China’s transplant industry.

Consequently, patients from China and abroad — including North America, Europe, Japan, South Korea and the Gulf States — face minimal wait times. Premium payments can secure organs within two weeks; in urgent liver failure cases, waits have reportedly been as short as four hours.

“Let me be clear,” Rep. Smith told the Commission. “Ethical organ transplantation is one thing. It can be noble and life-saving. But what we are examining today is the opposite. Imprisoned and persecuted people are turned into mere factory inventory. Hearts. Livers. Kidneys. Lungs. Corneas. Taken from the living. Hidden behind hospital walls. Protected by secrecy, corruption, fear, and state power.”

Collaboration with American Institutions

The May congressional hearing also focused on the role of American institutions in allegedly bolstering China’s organ transplant industry.

Testimonies revealed that U.S. universities, medical schools, and research hospitals have trained Chinese transplant surgeons who later returned to China and became leaders of transplant programs linked to human rights scandals.

Another concern raised during the hearing was the transfer of transplant-related technology and knowledge through academic research collaborations. Witnesses argued that such partnerships have allowed Chinese transplant centers to benefit from American advances in transplant medicine, despite burning questions about the source of organs used in China.

Critics contend that such collaboration lends wrongful legitimacy to institutions accused of forced organ harvesting while enhancing their international prestige.

Smith said he chaired his first hearing on forced organ harvesting thirty years ago, on June 18, 1996. Since then, the evidence has become more detailed and horrific as organ harvesting mushroomed into ‘big business.’

“The House has twice passed my legislation with overwhelming bipartisan support,” the congressmen told a press conference. “The Stop Forced Organ Harvesting Act of 2025 passed the House 406 to 1. It would criminalize forced organ trafficking, impose serious sanctions, require reporting, deny visas, and create penalties of up to 20 years in prison. It would impose up to a $1 million fine for knowing complicity.”

“This bill blows the whistle on brokers, traffickers, corrupt officials, complicit doctors, hospitals, researchers, insurers, and middlemen,” Smith told the House panel. “If you profit from coerced transplants, you should be prepared to lose not only your money but your visa, your access to the United States, and your freedom.

The Senate has not acted on the bill; it has languished in the Foreign Relations Committee for almost a year.

“Every day without consequences is another day perpetrators operate in the shadows, witnesses are intimidated, evidence disappears, and families never learn what happened to their loved ones,” argued the New Jersey congressman.

***

America’s Organ Procurement Industry

While nothing approaches the moral depravity of China’s forced organ harvesting system, organ procurement and transplantation have become a multibillion-dollar enterprise in many countries, including the United States.

The New York Times ran a long feature last July about a federal inquiry into these programs, after complaints surfaced about doctors being pressured to do organ surgery on patients without their consent.

In numerous cases, the investigation said, patients thought to be in a vegetative state showed signs of pain or distress while being readied for the organ retrieval procedure.

Organs themselves cannot be legally bought or sold. But U.S. organ procurement organizations collectively receive billions of dollars a year in “for facilitating procurements”— a polite way of saying ‘organ snatching.’ Most of that revenue derives from state and federal grants and Medicare reimbursements.

Families Pressured to Authorize Organ Donation

The NY Times investigation criticized Kentucky Organ Donor Affiliates, which was coordinating donations in the state. It found that the organization’s employees repeatedly pressured families to authorize a donation, emphasizing its humanitarian value and how it would endow the patient’s life with “more meaning.”

In addition, they tried to push hospital staff to remove life support and allow for surgery even if there were indications of growing awareness in terminally ill, unconscious patients.

The federal investigation centered on an increasingly common practice called “donation after circulatory death.” Unlike most organ donors, who are brain-dead, patients in these cases have some brain function but are on life support and not expected to recover. Often, they are in a coma.

Once family members agree to donation, they, in effect, give the go-ahead to withdraw life support. The employees of an organ procurement organization begin testing the patient’s organs and lining up transplant surgeons and recipients. Every state has at least one procurement organization, the Times article said.

Typically, the patient is taken to an operating room where hospital workers withdraw life support and wait for death. The organs are considered viable for donation only if the patient dies within an hour or two. If that happens, the procurement team waits five more minutes and then begins removing organs. Strict rules are supposed to ensure that no retrieval begins before death or causes it.

The report described an incident in which a 50-year-old patient began stirring less than an hour after being taken off life support and started looking around. Shockingly, the organ retrieval procedure was not immediately ended, nor was the patient given any explanation for what was being done to him.

“The patient had no idea what was going on but was becoming more aware and agitated by the minute,” records noted.

After 40 more minutes — when the patient’s organs would no longer qualify for donation — the attempt was called off, and he was moved to an intensive care unit. He later sat up and spoke with his family, case notes report.

Most of the patients in the cases the investigators reviewed eventually died, hours or days after the aborted organ retrieval. But some recovered enough to leave the hospital, according to the Times’ report.

He Cried, Pulled His Legs to His Chest and Shook His Head

A congressional committee heard testimony about a Kentucky man, Anthony Hoover, who had an overdose in 2021. He was unresponsive for two days before his family agreed to donate his organs.

Over the next two days, the procurement organization moved toward surgery even as the patient’s neurological condition improved, the investigation found. During one exam, records show, he was “thrashing on the bed.”

Even though the man cried, pulled his legs to his chest and shook his head, officials still tried to move forward with the surgery, the NY Times reported.

The hospital staff “was extremely uncomfortable with the amount of reflexes patient is exhibiting,” case notes read. “Hospital staff kept stating that to go ahead with the organ retrieval would amount to euthanasia—mercy-killing,” which is essentially is no different, they insisted, from murder.

An organ procurement coordinator assured them it was not the same thing. Nevertheless, a hospital doctor flatly refused to withdraw life support. In a shocking turnaround, Mr. Hoover eventually recovered and left the hospital.

There is no record of hospital staff apologizing to the man they came so close to killing for his organs.

The federal investigation has since examined about 350 controversial cases in Kentucky over the past four years in which plans to remove organs were ultimately halted. In 73 of these cases, unconscious terminally ill patients began to stir and awaken, which would have made stripping them of their organs a clear act of murder.

***

Putin and XI Discuss Outwitting Death With Harvested Organs

Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin were recently caught on a hot mic discussing longevity and organ transplants during a military parade in Beijing. The conversation sparked intense controversy over China’s infamous forced organ harvesting practices.

According to the Washington Times, the conversation, broadcast by Chinese state media, featured Xi noting that living past 70 is now “commonplace,” with Putin responding that “biotechnology advances in organ transplantation” could help people “become younger and perhaps even achieve immortality.”

Xi then suggested humans “might live to 150 years old” during this century.

To many observers, the exchange captured the remarkable hubris of two 72-year old totalitarian leaders casually speculating about dramatically extending their own lifespans thanks to organ transplants.

The remarks quickly spread across Chinese social media, where they revived suspicions about China’s booming transplant industry depending on murder and organ snatching from helpless prisoners.

Critics note that China maintains hospitals and wings specifically for organ transplants for Chinese Communist Party leaders, with organs potentially sourced from persecuted groups. House Speaker Mike Johnson acknowledged hearing “horrific stories” about unwilling organ donors in China.

China officially ended the use of organs from executed prisoners in 2015, but recent reports indicate Beijing is building six new organ transplant facilities in Xinjiang, where an estimated 1 million Uyghurs are held in detention camps.

Evidence compiled by Dr. Jacob Lavee, director of heart transplantation at Sheba Medical Center in Israel indicates that Chinese transplant hospitals use a vast supply of organs sourced from living political and religious prisoners.

Chinese academic studies confirm that a number of these people, selected based on blood type, health, age and sometimes even dietary habits, are killed through the organ extraction process.

Dr. Enver Tohti, a Uyghur surgeon now residing in London, provided harrowing testimony quoted by the NY Post. In 1995, near Urumqi, Xinjiang, he was ordered to remove the liver and kidneys from a prisoner who had been shot but was still alive.

The prisoner physically resisted when the scalpel cut into him, and active bleeding indicated the heart was still pumping, leading Dr. Tohti to realize the man was still alive during the organ excision.

Dr. Tohti has stated under oath that the man died during the procedure. “That man had been shot but, technically, I killed him,” he confessed, “and that still haunts me to this day.”

Following this event, Dr. Tohti fled China and eventually sought asylum in London, where he continues to campaign globally against state-sanctioned organ harvesting.

Rep. Chris Smith, co-chair of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, called the hot mic conversation between Putin and XI a “wake-up call” and urged Senate action on his legislation targeting forced organ harvesting.

“No dictator, no party boss, no wealthy patient, and no broker should be able to purchase longevity with the organs of the poor and persecuted,” Smith said. “That is all the more reason to pass the Stop Forced Organ Harvesting Act and make unmistakably clear that the United States will not stand by in the face of such cruelty.

“Not with our expertise. Not with our money. Not with a dollar of American complicity.”

Yeshiva Bochurim Afraid to Return Home for Shabbos

As the old saying has it, the train has left the station. Or, in our case, the Knesset has disbanded. There was no great drama involved; the Knesset was supposed to disband soon in any event, in preparation for the upcoming election, which was originally scheduled for October, Cheshvan 5787. That means that even if the Knesset dissolves early, the election will be no more than a month earlier than originally planned. The opposition, of course, has been trying to frame this as a dramatic occurrence and a victory on their part. But the coalition’s bill to disband the Knesset is the one that has been approved, and all that the Knesset has left to do is to set a date for the election that will satisfy as many parties as possible.

If you are wondering exactly when the election will be held, I can tell you that it will definitely be a Tuesday (every election in Israel is held on a Tuesday, as required by law) and the only question is whether it will be held in late Elul, at the beginning of Tishrei, or in Cheshvan. At first, there was a rumor that Netanyahu didn’t want the election in the month of October since he didn’t want the 7th of October to be repeatedly invoked during the campaign. A subsequent rumor had it that Netanyahu took the opposite position and actually wanted the election in October, so that the country would see that the Knesset had completed its full term. For the chareidi parties, there are other important considerations. The beginning of the winter zman isn’t an ideal time for an election, whereas the period before Rosh Hashanah would ostensibly be a good time for the chareidi parties to drum up support, since it tends to be a time of spiritual inspiration for all Jews, even those who are not religious. Then again, thousands of chareidi voters will be out of the country at the time, visiting Uman. In any event, we will have to wait for the final decision to be made and then deal with the timing once it is determined.

On another note, this past Shabbos was a stressful time for much of the country. The Shabbos after Shavuos is typically a brief break for yeshiva bochurim, after over a month of intensive learning since the beginning of the zman. This week, the bochurim were warned to avoid the police, since any encounter with a police officer is liable to lead to an arrest. Most of the bochurim in Israel are currently classified as draft evaders, and the police have begun detaining every draft evader they encounter and transferring them to the custody of the military police. I watched yeshiva bochurim who were heading home with their suitcases fleeing in panic at the sight of a police car. It is a terrible situation and a disgrace to the State of Israel.

The fact that the civilian police have been arresting yeshiva bochurim on behalf of the military police was the subject of much controversy last week, when Police Commissioner Dani Levi caved to the demands of Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara. Other high-ranking police officials, meanwhile, were furious with him for the move. In response, Moshe Gafni sent a notice to Degel HaTorah representatives in all local governments ordering them to cease all collaboration with the local police. Levi was apparently frightened by the harsh reactions against him and announced that he would reconsider the policy and perhaps order the police to release draft evaders immediately with a summons to appear at the draft office, rather than detaining them for arrest by the military police. At the same time, he instructed the chaplain of the police force to open a dialogue with leaders of the chareidi community, although it is very unclear what, exactly, they could possibly discuss. But let’s set this sad situation aside and move on to other subjects.

Passions Flare Over the Kosel Law

Even as the 25th Knesset disbands, there are still some members of the Knesset who are trying to squeeze some final accomplishments out of its waning days. For instance, a new law concerning subsidized day care passed its first reading on Wednesday, albeit only after the chareidim threatened to support the opposition’s bill calling for a state commission of inquiry into the events of October 7 if the coalition did not support the measure. The new bill, whose purpose is to override the sanctions on subsidized day care, stipulates that the subsidies are to be dependent only on the mother’s occupation and that a father’s legal status with regard to the draft will have no bearing on the family’s eligibility. The bill does not stand a chance of passing into law, but the chareidi representatives were visibly jubilant over its initial success.

I presume that you have heard of MK Avi Maoz. In fact, I have written about him in the past, including one particular article about his longstanding friendship with Prime Minister Netanyahu, which began when Netanyahu was the Israeli ambassador to the UN while Maoz was leading the campaign to free Natan Sharansky from Soviet prison. Netanyahu was the one who advised Maoz to ask President Reagan to include Sharansky’s release in the talks between Washington and Moscow. Maoz is an impressive person and a talmid of Rav Tzvi Tau; he succeeded in being elected to the Knesset by joining the list headed by Betzalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir. The other two politicians believed that even if Maoz wasn’t worth a full mandate, he would certainly bring in enough votes to justify his inclusion on the list. After the election, Maoz became a one-man party of sorts, under the name Noam. I have been following his actions in the Knesset, and I can identify a distinct quality in the man: He always makes sure to daven with a minyan in the Knesset. You may take this for granted, but I can tell you that I do not see all the religious Knesset members at the minyanim, certainly not as consistently as Maoz.

In any event, Maoz speaks in the Knesset very often; he is entitled to speak in almost every debate, since he is considered a separate party, albeit with only one member. And his speeches are always on target, although I can’t say for sure whether he has managed to sway anyone, despite his cogent arguments. Maoz has also introduced some very important bills, which he has worked diligently and tenaciously to promote. He doesn’t usually succeed in passing new laws, but there are times when he manages to solicit the coalition’s support. (Maoz is technically a member of the coalition, although he resigned from his position as a deputy minister in the Prime Minister’s Office.) Maoz introduced the Kosel Law, which passed its preliminary reading in February 2026, and he managed to have the law discussed in the Knesset Interior Committee in advance of its first reading.

The Kosel Law is technically an amendment to the Law of Preservation of Holy Sites passed in 1967. Maoz’s bill states that the Chief Rabbinate has exclusive authority over the manner of worship at the Kosel. Of course, the Reform movement is opposed to this bill; they fear that the Chief Rabbinate will take away the Ezras Yisroel plaza on the side of the Kosel, which was already promised to them. They are not interested in the Ezras Yisroel plaza at all; they claim that it is an insult to them and insist on being allowed to hold their own services in the regular women’s section or the Kosel plaza. At the same time, they aren’t willing to give up the plaza that they have already received. Maoz’s law was previously reviewed by the Ministerial Committee for Legislation before its vote, and Netanyahu asked them not to discuss it. Nevertheless, Maoz was insistent and ultimately won.

The existing law already prohibits “desecrating” the Kosel and holding services that are not in accordance with the established practice at the site. Nevertheless, Maoz’s law adds a definition of desecration of the Kosel as “behavior that violates the instructions and rulings of the Chief Rabbinate.” Maoz explained to me, “As a result of various interpretations given by certain bodies, including the Supreme Court, over the years, I would like to clarify that the Chief Rabbinate has exclusive authority over the rules that apply at the Kosel.” The bill does not state explicitly that the mixed prayer groups of men and women in the Ezras Yisroel section should be abolished. However, it states very clearly that the Chief Rabbinate holds the exclusive authority to determine the rules of conduct at the Kosel (and not just to make recommendations). The law is very likely to overturn the Ezras Yisroel compromise, which is the reason for the Reform movement’s outrage. In addition, the law will make it possible to press criminal charges against the Women of the Wall, the group of provocateurs who have repeatedly smuggled sifrei Torah into the women’s section at the Kosel. It may even make it possible to forcibly prevent the group of women from continuing these stunts.

Blocking the Court’s Interference

This brings us to the debate in the Constitution Committee, which is headed by MK Simcha Rothman of the Religious Zionism party, who is more or less in favor of Maoz’s bill. Some representatives of Women of the Wall showed up for the committee session as well, and they were extremely vocal. MK Tally Gottliv, the Likud party’s fiercely outspoken Knesset member, clashed with one of those women, who made the appalling statement that Orthodoxy harms women. Gottliv shot back, “The Jewish religion from which I come exalts women and makes it possible for every woman to do what she believes is right. Unlike you, I do not dictate anyone else’s behavior. The Kosel Law wouldn’t have been necessary if not for your group’s deliberate provocations. And the Reform movement has adopted the Women of the Wall as their agents and provocateurs.”

Another speaker added, “The Reform movement is spearheading the liquidation sale of Judaism.”

The opposition accused Avi Maoz in particular, and the coalition in general, of trying to rush the law’s passage at the last moment before the election. That accusation, in turn, sparked an uproar. After all, why should that be considered improper? Why should an attempt to pass legislation before the Knesset dissolves be grounds for condemnation? Avichai Boaron of the Likud party joined the chorus of condemnation against the Reform movement. “We do not need to give up on values that are sacred to the majority of the Israeli public,” he said. “Not everything needs to be forced and used to poke a finger in the eye of the traditional and religious communities in Israel. It would have been better if we hadn’t needed the law at all, but since we need it, it is good that it is happening.”

Avi Maoz decried the coalition’s failure to properly strengthen the Jewish identity of the State of Israel, arguing that the government had failed to advance any significant measures in that area. “This coalition was elected by a public that wanted a Jewish state with a strong Jewish identity, but it failed to advance almost anything in that area in practice,” he said. Maoz also remarked, “One of the main reasons that this critical bill is in the headlines is the flagrant interference of the Supreme Court, which has the goal of changing the Jewish character of the Kosel. I will tell you clearly that the bill was designed to eliminate the ambiguity in the wording of the existing law, which has enabled the judges to twist the law and reinterpret it in accordance with their wishes and in violation of the clear intentions of the legislative body and the broader public. This bill clarifies the meaning of the term ‘desecration’ and will thus prevent any interpretation by anyone other than Israel’s Chief Rabbis.”

The Constitution Committee has not yet completed its deliberations. If Avi Maoz succeeds, the bill will proceed to the Knesset plenum for its first reading. That will make it possible for the bill to be brought to the next Knesset and passed into law—or, perhaps, for a miracle to happen and for the law to be passed in the current Knesset.

A Worm’s Eye View

Let’s return for a moment to the day care subsidy law, which was approved last Wednesday. A certain MK from the Likud party, an obscure politician named Dan Illouz, voted against the bill, and the entire Religious Zionism party did not enter the room for the vote. That should be an indication of which Knesset members can be expected to align themselves against the chareidim….

When Dan Illouz announced his vote (it was a roll call, with each member of the Knesset called by name) there was an explosion of outrage from the chareidi Knesset members. Illouz, who wears a yarmulke and received his seat in the Knesset under the Norwegian Law, recently penned an article titled, “Yes, Dismantle It.” He was referring to the Likud party’s political alliance with the chareidim, which he advised the party to terminate. “The alliance,” he wrote, “has become an existential threat to Israel.” I find it hard to believe that a sane person could write such words, but upon giving the matter some more thought, I understand him. Illouz sits on the rear benches of the Likud party; he has no real power, and as far as he is concerned, the Likud might as well be in the opposition. After all, it will make no difference to him; he will be just as powerless and inconsequential, regardless of who is prime minister. He will have the same lack of influence from the benches of the opposition as he does when the Likud is in the coalition.

Two weeks ago, we marked Rav Uri Zohar’s fourth yahrtzeit. Rav Uri often illustrated certain ideas with the analogy of a worm in an apple. The worm, he explained, is completely unaware of the world outside the apple; it knows nothing other than the interior of the fruit. Rav Uri had a different point to make with this analogy, but I would like to borrow it for my own purposes. Dan Illouz, a junior member of the Knesset, is akin to the worm in the apple. He has no idea that there is an entire world, a state, and a government outside his tiny bubble; he does not know that there are policies that must be advanced and issues that must be tackled. He knows nothing other than his own petty political maneuverings; nothing else matters to him.

The Persecution of Yonasan Urich

It is widely understood in Israel that Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara is shamelessly exploiting her position as the head of the Israeli prosecution to do everything in her power to stymie the government in every way. She is the one who is behind all the sanctions and arrests of lomdei Torah, she is responsible for disqualifying every candidate nominated by Netanyahu to head the Mossad, and she is the one who has repeatedly notified the Supreme Court that she supports the petitions against the government. The Knesset is currently discussing a law that would split her position into two: a legal advisor to the government and the head of the prosecution system. The presumption is that the attorney general has too many spheres of authority, and this excess of power has given her the ability to topple the government.

At the beginning of this month, one of the attorney general’s most bizarre and politically charged legal machinations came to an end. She had advised the court that since a certain witness named Einhorn hadn’t come to Israel, the proceedings against two of the prime minister’s advisors, Ofer Golan and Yonasan Urich, should be terminated. The two had been indicted on charges of harassing a witness in Prime Minister Netanyahu’s trial— Shlomo Filber, former director-general of the Communications Ministry, who had agreed to turn state witness against Netanyahu but later backtracked, claiming that he was threatened and coerced into taking that step. Filber has since become an opponent of the state’s position in the cases against Netanyahu.

The allegation that two close associates of the prime minister had harassed Filber sounded implausible from the outset. But there turned out to be a more insidious reason for the accusations: The police took advantage of the investigation to gain access to the suspects’ cell phones, hoping to thereby amass more evidence against Netanyahu, since they had no access to the Prime Minister’s Office itself. Filber repeatedly insisted that he hadn’t been harassed and he did not feel threatened by the two suspects, but the attorney general stubbornly insisted on pursuing the case. Everyone understood that it was nothing but a politically charged campaign of harassment. Senior figures in the prosecution opposed the indictment, but the state prosecutor and the attorney general were obstinate. And the story has now ended in total defeat for the two. The official reason for the closure of the case is a technicality, but everyone understands the real reason the charges were dropped: They realized that they were going to suffer a defeat in court. Incidentally, Urich and Golan filed a request with the court three months ago to drop the case on the grounds that they would not receive a fair trial. This was most likely part of the reason that the attorney general hurried to close the case, fearing the backlash if their claims were accepted.

Attorneys Chadad and Milstein attacked the attorney general and the prosecution: “This case should never have begun, and once it was opened, it should have been closed years ago. In three different judicial forums, we demonstrated the serious flaws in the case and the criminal offenses committed within its framework against Ofer Golan and Yonasan Urich. These were allegations of harassment against a witness who declared that he was not harassed. The failures and misconduct in this case cry out to the heavens. No one can ever return to our client the seven years of legal torment and persecution that he suffered, but it is time for someone in the law enforcement system to be brought to justice for one of the most embarrassing, negligent, and improper cases conducted in Israel in recent years.”

Urich, who is fairly sharp-witted, wrote, “Almost eight years of legal torment and unbridled persecution ended this morning with a single phone call and a piece of paper sent to me digitally. No one can ever make amends to me and my family for what we have gone through. No one will be brought to justice, and no one will learn lessons from it. I want to thank Hashem; my wife, Talia, who has stood beside me through a world war; my family, who always embrace and support me; Prime Minister Netanyahu, whom I have the sacred privilege of assisting; my lawyers, Amit Chadad and Noa Milstein, who fought like lions in this case; and all of you, who gave me the sunlight of faith during the dark days, even at times when I had no faith.”

This case will now be closed, but Baharav-Miara has already announced her intention to prosecute Urich in the Bild case on the extremely serious charge of treason. Many people reacted by declaring that she is insane. And I tend to agree with them.

The Witch Hunt Continues

Now that you have observed the corruption, politicization, and outright bias infesting the Israeli prosecution, you will surely be able to put the following story in perspective: A year and a half after the scandal erupted, the state prosecution informed Tzachi Braverman, the former chief of staff of Prime Minister Netanyahu’s office who has been tapped to become Israel’s next ambassador to the United Kingdom, that he will be facing an indictment on charges of fraud, breach of trust, and obstruction of justice. Braverman will be summoned for a hearing, which is officially a process in which a person has the opportunity to convince the court of his innocence before he is formally indicted. However, no one in Israel truly believes in the integrity of this process.

In case you have forgotten about this story, let me refresh your memories: As part of the judicial witch hunt against Netanyahu, his spokesman and close associate, Eli Feldstein, was arrested and investigated. Feldstein became a central defendant in what was known as the Bild affair, based on the allegations that he had leaked a document to the German newspaper Bild that supported Netanyahu’s interpretation of the involvement of Qatar and Egypt in the issue of the hostages in Gaza. Urich was involved in that affair as well. One night during that time, Braverman asked Feldstein to meet with him in the parking lot outside the Prime Minister’s Office in Tel Aviv. It isn’t clear what they discussed there, but Feldstein claimed that Braverman revealed that he was under investigation and coached him on how to respond to the interrogators. That, of course, would be a violation of the law. Braverman, however, denied these claims and gave a completely different account of their conversation. Last week, in a statement to the public, the prosecution wrote, “It is suspected that due to his position, Braverman discovered in October 2024 that a covert investigation was taking place regarding the transfer of raw intelligence information, which was classified as top secret and was obtained through classified means, to the German newspaper Bild, where a significant portion of the information was published and partial quotations were released.”

The news of the charges alarmed many people, as it created the sense once again that the attorney general is waging a campaign of politically motivated harassment against anyone associated with Netanyahu. Braverman’s lawyers wrote, “This was a wrong decision that continues the terrible injustice that has already been done to Braverman. The written allegations make it clear that the basis of this decision was the testimony of Mr. Feldstein, a false witness driven by ulterior motives. It is very peculiar that the prosecution, which itself submitted an indictment against [Feldstein] while completely rejecting his various implausible versions of events and false claims, is basing its current decision on an unreliable witness who has given an assortment of false and contradictory versions of this story as well.”

Braverman has been barred from the Prime Minister’s Office since his arrest in January, and his departure for London has also been postponed indefinitely. In other words, the judicial system is destroying his life, just as it has destroyed the lives of many others in Netanyahu’s inner circle, such as Yonasan Urich. Urich was viciously slandered for months when he was accused of serving as a public relations agent for Qatar, to explain why he leaked the document casting Egypt in a negative light. He has been cast as a traitor and a spy, and Netanyahu was likewise excoriated for having people on his staff who allegedly worked for enemy states. However, the head of the Mossad recently claimed that the leaked document did not harm Israel’s national security in any way, and that Urich acted for the benefit of the country.

Falling Dollar Drags Down Donation Values

In case you are not aware of the dramatic fall in the value of the dollar vis-à-vis the Israeli shekel, it is important for me to bring it to your attention. In the past, if you donated a thousand dollars to tzedokah in Israel or sent a thousand dollars to help your children in Israel with living expenses, then you were effectively donating 3500 shekels to those causes. Today, however, the value of one thousand dollars is less than 3000 shekels. This is a crushing hardship for people who live in Israel and earn salaries in dollars, or for young couples who receive monthly aid from their parents—to say nothing of yeshivos, kollelim, and other organizations that are sustained by donations from America.

Last week, I met with a gabbai tzedokah who distributes vouchers for food to yungeleit before Pesach. Every year, he raises a total of about six million dollars from philanthropists in America to support this project; he receives the funds from wealthy financiers who contribute approximately the same sums to him every year. Tens of thousands of yungeleit benefit from this financial aid, which helps them manage the daunting expenses of the holiday. Now, try to calculate the difference in the shekel value of six million dollars since the exchange rate began its drastic fall. Unfortunately, this has a dramatic impact on the sums that can reach the yungeleit who rely on his project and others like it.

My acquaintance added ruefully that he is facing an even greater financial hardship than you might imagine. The problem, he explained, is that he received pledges from his usual donors in America during the months of Shevat and Adar, and he based his budget for the distribution of tzedokah funds on those pledges, using the exchange rate that existed at the time. Shortly before Pesach, he handed out the vouchers based on the sums he had calculated, but many of the pledges are being paid only now, and it turns out that he has given away much more than he received. The math is simple: If he integrated two million dollars in future pledges into his total budget, then that means that he distributed about seven million shekels, based on the assumption that one million dollars would be worth about 3.5 million shekels. At this point, however, the same two million dollars is worth far less than the sum he projected, and he is now struggling with a deficit of about a million shekels. These aren’t merely theoretical sums; this is essentially what happened to him. And this is just one illustration of the impact of the falling dollar in Israel.

Rav Yitzchok Edelstein, Rov of Ramat Hasharon

It is no secret that, from a chareidi perspective, Israel’s current government has not been especially successful. The government began its term with considerable momentum; the chareidim received extremely influential government posts and had many grand plans. Chareidi ministers led the Ministry of the Interior, which is responsible for establishing new cities; the Ministry of Housing, which is responsible for building apartments, and everything in between. There were chareidi ministers in the Ministry of Labor, which oversees the National Insurance Institute; the Prime Minister’s Office, where Uri Maklev racked up tremendous accomplishments, and the Ministry of Welfare as well. You are probably aware that I work in the Knesset, and you will not be surprised if I tell you that I receive many requests for help from average citizens (and from Americans as well). As long as the chareidim were in the government, it was always easy for me to help them. If I received a call from Americans in Israel who were unable to receive health insurance, I would simply contact senior officials in the National Insurance Institute, which was under the aegis of the ministry headed by Yoav Ben-Tzur. The chareidi parties also had influence over the health funds, thanks to the fact that Uriel Bosso, another chareidi politician, headed the Ministry of Health. And if an American tourist needed help with the Ministry of the Interior, I was always able to assist him in his dealings with the Population Authority. In July 2025, however, the chareidi ministers stepped down from their positions due to the government’s failure to pass the draft law. While the chareidim who held positions of ministry directors-general have retained those posts, and many of the ministers’ offices are still staffed by chareidim, their influence has waned considerably. At this point, I often have little recourse when I am asked to help struggling citizens.

It turns out, however, out that there was one ministry that never stopped working: the Ministry of Religious Affairs (or, as it is now known, the Ministry of Religious Services). The previous minister who headed this ministry, Michoel Malchieli of the Shas party, was extremely efficient and effective, and the director-general who remained after his departure, Yehuda Avidan, is hardworking and diligent. (Avidan’s family name was originally Bosso; he is a grandson of the Baba Chaki, the brother of the Baba Sali.) One of the projects on which he worked for a long time and that recently came to fruition was the appointment of new municipal chief rabbis. Dozens of cities had gone decades without appointing new chief rabbis, and Avidan worked hard to spearhead a new wave of appointments. The first appointment was in Tel Aviv; I have already told you about the election of Rav Zevadiah Cohen as the city’s chief rabbi, which the media described as another accomplishment for the Shas party. But that wasn’t the end. Several other chief rabbis were recently appointed, including Rav Menachem Mendel Nachshon, who was elected as the new chief rabbi of the city of Nof Hagalil (formerly Nazareth Illit) by a vote of 29 members of the electoral body. In Eilat, Rav Yair Hadaya was appointed to serve as the new Sephardic chief rabbi of the city. Rav Hadaya is the son of Rav Moshe Hadaya, who served as the Sephardic chief rabbi of Eilat for over 60 years. Out of the 36 members of the electoral body, 32 voted for the new chief rabbi.

The participants in the election for a chief rabbi, incidentally, are representatives of the municipality, the Ministry of Religious Affairs, and the shuls in the relevant city.

In Kiryat Ono (a relatively small city near Bnei Brak), Rav Yitzchok Vardi was elected as the new chief rabbi. In Charish, a city near Chadera that is supposed to be a chareidi city, Rav Asher Zigdon was installed in the position. Rav Zigdon serves as the rov of a community in the city known as L’Ovdecha B’Emes and is a former talmid of Yeshivas Ohr Hachaim in Yerushalayim, where he was a talmid of Rav Reuven Elbaz. He studied halacha and prepared for a future in the rabbinate in Kollel Torah Vachaim in Bnei Brak, under the aegis of Rav Shimon Baadani, who was a member of the Moetzes Chachmei HaTorah. All the chief rabbis are members of the chareidi community, and it is a great accomplishment that the community has managed to prevent the appointment of more progressive chief rabbis who would seek to lower their cities’ religious standards.

Finally, Ramat Hasharon has a new chief rabbi as well, after several years of unsuccessful attempts to fill the position. The new chief rabbi of Ramat Hasharon, who was appointed after the position was left vacant for nine years, is Rav Yitzchok Edelstein, the son of the city’s previous chief rabbi, the illustrious Rav Yaakov Edelstein. A native of Ramat HaSharon who has served as rov of the Golan Quarter community for more than twenty years, Rav Yitzchok has now stepped into the position held by his legendary father, Rav Yaakov Edelstein, for 66 years. Even though there were nine nominees for the position, Rav Yitzchok received 25 out of the 30 votes cast by the electoral body. He received the support of the Shas party in light of the fact that both his late father and his illustrious uncle, Rav Gershon, advocated with Aryeh Deri on his behalf years ago. At the very least, then, it can be said that the chareidi political leadership has made some significant accomplishments that will have a lasting impact for years to come.

Remembering Rebbetzin Mira Edelstein

Now that I have mentioned Rav Yaakov Edelstein, I should note that the Edelstein family is currently mourning the passing of Rebbetzin Mira (Meira), who was married to Rav Yaakov since the summer of 5772. One of the grandchildren said to me, “She was a great tzaddeikes; it would have been impossible for anyone to match her dedication to our grandfather.” Indeed, her devotion to her husband was outstanding.

Rebbetzin Mira passed away about a month ago and was buried on Har Hamenuchos. The Israeli Yated Neeman reported, “She was born in 1937 on Kibbutz Ganigar in the Yezreel Valley, far removed from the world of Torah and Judaism. As she matured, like many others, she sought fulfillment in the cultural world in which she lived. However, the teshuvah movement was beginning to develop at that time and was making waves in Eretz Yisroel, led by Rav Uri Zohar, and many followed him on his path of return. She, too, left behind the vanities of this world and chose the path of emunah, returning to her Jewish roots with all her strength.”

During the rebbetzin’s period of transformation, Rav Elazar Menachem Man Shach served as a veritable father figure to her. There is a well-known story about an incident in which Rav Shach spent half an hour with a baalas teshuvah, discussing the pros and cons of various sewing machines until they finally settled on one particular model for her to buy. That baalas teshuvah was the future Rebbetzin Edelstein.

At the levayah, everyone noticed the presence of Rebbetzin Elia Zohar and her son Rav Isamar. Their presence was meaningful, although it was also to be expected in this case. The usually reticent Rebbetzin Zohar said, “We have known each other for many years.” Indeed, they were probably acquainted for fifty years. If I understood correctly, the late Rebbetzin Edelstein’s journey toward faith began while she gazed at the Mediterranean Sea from her home in Tel Aviv; as she watched the waves, she came to the recognition that the world must have a purpose. She quickly became a bas bayis at the home of Rav Uri Zohar and his wife. She knew Rav Uri Zohar from his days as part of the world of secular culture, and it was almost a foregone conclusion that she would make her way to the Zohar home. Isamar remarked, “When we were children, she was like an aunt to us. She babysat for us and fed us.”

Rebbetzin Zohar commented to her family, “She was an incredible baalas teshuvah who achieved everything possible on the path of teshuvah.” The rebbetzin recalled that Meira had once come to her to be taught how to daven. “She was purposeful and determined,” she said.

We live in a meritocracy.

While name recognition certainly helps in politics, you don’t have to be a Bush or a Kennedy to win an election. In business, you can start out in a firm’s mail room and, through sheer effort and ability, rise to the top. Both science and the arts feature individuals who came up out of obscurity to shine. In virtually every field, what you can do trumps where you came from and which family you happened to be born into.

We hear a lot of praise for a person who pulls himself up “by his own bootstraps.” In other words, getting where you want to go through grit, determination and hard work, rather than having your career path smoothed out for you by some outside party or the help of money or connections.

Of course, pulling strings can be useful. In Israel, the concept of protektzia is built into the very fabric of society. Whatever your line of work or social standing, who you know can be an entrée into any circle you’d like to breach. At the very least, it can get you an interview somewhere.

By and large, however, we get by on our merits. Students are graded according to the amount of knowledge they’ve amassed in a subject and can spit back on a test. Workers are judged by their productivity. Athletes who win the most games get the most accolades. In a merit-based system, that’s just the way it is.

Our own system is largely merit-based, too. You don’t have to be the son of a rosh yeshiva to become a world class talmid chochom. A person from the lowliest background can work his way up to the highest echelons. If an ignorant shepherd can become a R’ Akiva, then there’s hope for all of us. When it comes to spiritual ambition, the sky’s the limit!

An ‘A’ for Effort

Still, there’s more to the picture than just merit. It’s all fine and good to assess people by their abilities, but there’s something else that also needs to be taken into account.

When my daughter was a senior in high school, she and a friend earned the two highest grade point averages in their graduating class and were therefore appointed, respectively, the Hebrew and English valedictorians at their graduation. My daughter, while cognizant of the honor, felt bad about other girls in her class who she felt had put in more effort than she had but, because their grades had not been as dazzling, were passed over for this sort of recognition.

Indeed, every parent who attends a parent-teacher conference wants to hear their child praised for the effort that he or she puts into their schoolwork, even if their grades don’t call for much celebration. A wise rebbi, teacher or parent will compliment a child’s efforts even if they are not yet mirrored by results. Because the first step in getting anywhere is a willingness to put in the work.

Hakadosh Boruch Hu, we are taught, takes intention and application into account even if the results are not stellar. For example, if we intend to do a certain mitzvah and are prevented, we still get the credit for it. In Torah study, we are adjured to pore over the Torah, day and night. We are not commanded to succeed at our learning, but only to put in the effort.

You can always tell what’s important to someone by where he puts his time and energy. Someone who sincerely toils in Torah even when he doesn’t see great success… or perhaps especially when he does not yet see great success… gets a definite ‘A’ for effort!

On the Shoulders of Giants

Hashem is also very kind to us when it comes to the merits of our ancestors. He might so easily let everyone sink or swim completely on their own. Instead, He instituted a system of zechus avos, whereby one generation can benefit from the levels attained by previous ones.

Thus, I can benefit years later from my grandmother’s tefillos. Or, going even further back, you may be enjoying advantages earned by some distant ancestor. Exactly how this works, we don’t know. We’re not privy to the inner workings of Hashem’s system. But we’re told that no tefillah goes to waste and no good deed goes unrewarded. Even if the person who did the davening or the good deed doesn’t personally feel the effects of his efforts, his descendants may, somewhere down the line. We mortals have severely limited vision, but Hashem’s view is long.

Similarly, when a loved one passes away, r”l, we express a hope that he or she will be a meilitz yosher for the family they left behind. This assumes that the departed soul can somehow have an influence on our success down below in this world, quite apart from whatever personal merits we bring to the table.

It seems, therefore, that Judaism is not a strict meritocracy after all. While our own efforts can certainly take us places, there are all sorts of unseen merits that can and do help us, too. Lest we become too puffed up in our own conceit, let’s remember that it’s not all about us. We’re all piggybacking on the spiritual achievements of those who came before us. We’re standing, so to speak, on the shoulders of giants.

Old merits never die. They just keep on giving…

Because Avrohom Avinu sought out Hashem and chose to be His faithful servant, Hashem chose him to be the start of a new, select lineage in the world.

Because Avrohom’s children and grandchildren chose to embrace Avrohom’s path and cling to the Divine covenant, Hashem eventually extended that covenant to the entire nation and named us His Chosen People.

Because our forefathers at Har Sinai accepted Hashem’s Law with love, we have the privilege of living with that Torah all these centuries later.

Because our ancestors all through history were moser nefesh for Torah, we are still around to be proud and G-d-fearing Jews today.

I suppose you can say that we’re a limited meritocracy. We have the certainty of knowing that every effort we make, every action we take, every thought we devote to the right things, will accrue to our credit. At the same time, we’re aware of the many invisible currents of merit that impact us in different ways.

Whether it’s the merit of an effort we made that didn’t bear the kind of fruit we hoped for, or the merit of a fervent prayer sent heavenward sometime in the near or distant past, or the merit of a departed loved one “pulling strings” for us in the next world, Hashem has left the door open for far more than we know. Maybe a better term than “limited meritocracy” would be a “complex meritocracy.” Because nothing, not even the system of merits and demerits that we all live by, is as simple as it seems.

And that should cheer us up to no end. We can work hard to pull ourselves up by our own bootstraps, and we’ll be rewarded accordingly. Yet even when our efforts fall short, there are untapped reservoirs of spiritual assistance waiting for us in vaults we may know nothing about.

But Hashem knows. And, in His love and compassion, He’s willing to pay out the fruits of those merits anytime we need it.

After a two-hour-long meeting in the White House Situation Room with top American foreign policy, military, and national security officials, last Friday, President Donald Trump rejected the latest Iranian proposal for a Memorandum of Understanding that would lead to 60 days of negotiations to end Iran’s current conflict with the U.S. and Israel and to address Trump’s demands that Iran end its nuclear weapons program.

According to officials from Persian Gulf states who were briefed by the White House on the current state of the negotiations, Trump sent that proposal back to Iran with no substantive new proposals, but it did have tough language demanding stronger assurances of the unrestricted re-opening of the Strait of Hormuz to all tanker traffic, more detailed upfront Iranian concessions on its nuclear weapons program, and a rejection of Iran’s demands for immediate sanctions relief, and the release of billions of dollars of Iranian funds that have been frozen in foreign banks due to U.S. Treasury-enforced financial sanctions on Iran.

That rejection was consistent with Trump’s previous public declarations ridiculing President Barack Obama’s practice of sending “pallets of cash” worth a total of $1.7 billion to Iran. Those were de facto ransom payments for the release of American citizens with dual nationalities whom Iran had arrested and convicted on bogus national security or espionage charges. These Americans were then held in prisons to enable Iran to practice what has become known as “hostage diplomacy” against the United States.

Trump also reiterated in a Truth Social post over the weekend his insistence that the U.S. will seize and destroy Iran’s entire stockpile of highly enriched uranium, despite Iran’s consistent refusal to discuss any detailed restrictions on its nuclear program until after the Memorandum of Understanding has been signed and the new 60-day cease-fire is in place.

Peace Talks With Iran Impacted by Increased Fighting in Lebanon

Earlier Monday, Trump told NBC News that he was not upset by reports from the state-controlled Tansim Iranian news agency that Iran had suspended its negotiations with the U.S. to protest the expanded scale of Israeli military attacks on Hezbollah in Lebanon, including the IDF’s capture of the ancient Beaufort Castle located on high ground overlooking most of northern Israel. The Tansim report also said that members of Iran’s “Axis of Evil,” presumably a reference to the Houthis in Yemen, were prepared to “activate other fronts” by imposing another blockade on all shipping traversing the international waters of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, leading to the Red Sea and the Suez Canal.

Trump refuted the Tansim news report by declaring on his Truth Social account Monday that “[peace] talks are continuing, at a rapid pace, with the Islamic Republic of Iran.”

Trump has also reportedly grown frustrated by the length of time it takes for Iran’s new Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, who has been living in hiding since the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran started on February 28, to respond to Trump’s proposals through the Pakistani mediators of the current round of indirect peace talks. However, the president has publicly insisted that he is in “no rush” to reach an agreement with Iran, and that he is willing to let the process take as long as necessary to make sure that the terms of the final deal are “right.”

In a weekend broadcast interview with his daughter-in-law turned news media personality, Lara Trump, the president confirmed his previous statements that the deal with Iran is “largely finalized,” and that he preferred to make peace with Iran rather than going to war once more against the Islamic regime because that would enable the opening of the Strait of Hormuz immediately, as long as Trump was satisfied that the deal will really end Iran’s nuclear weapons program.

Trump Promises to Make a Good Deal for the U.S. With Iran

Late Sunday night, Trump responded to the media reports about his demands that Iran provide firmer commitments in the Memorandum of Understanding by issuing a statement on his Truth Social account clarifying, in general terms, the current state and outlook for the negotiations with Iran. Trump noted, “Iran really wants to make a deal, and it will be a good one for the U.S.A. and those that are with us.”

However, Trump complained that when those “Dumcrats [a pun on Democrats]” and “unpatriotic Republicans,” whom he denigrated as “‘political hacks’. . . keep negatively ‘chirping’. . . over and over again, that I should move faster, or move slower, or go to war, or not go to war. . . [they make it] much tougher for me to properly do my job and negotiate.” Relying upon his confidence in his own negotiating skills, Trump ended his Truth Social post by urging those who are concerned about the outcome of the current U.S. talks with Iran to “Just sit back and relax, it will all work out well in the end. It always does!”

In response, Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said Sunday that no agreement will be approved with the United States until Tehran’s “rights” are secured. “The soldiers of the diplomatic battlefield have no trust in the words and promises of the enemy. What matters to us is tangible achievements that we must obtain, in exchange for which we will fulfil our commitments,” Ghalibaf said, according to Iran’s semi-official Tasnim news agency.

Conflict Spikes Across the Persian Gulf Region

There was also a significant spike in the level of conflict between U.S. and Iranian forces over the weekend, further reducing the effectiveness of the ceasefire that has been nominally in force between the U.S. and Iran since April 8. According to a statement issued by the U.S. military’s Central Command (CENTCOM) Sunday night, the exchange of attacks was initiated by “aggressive Iranian actions that included the shootdown of a U.S. MQ-1 drone that was operating over international waters.”

The CENTCOM statement added that, “U.S. fighter aircraft swiftly responded by eliminating Iranian air defenses, a ground control station, and two one-way attack drones that posed clear threats to ships transiting regional waters.” The Pentagon also described the attack on the Iranian targets as “purely defensive,” and therefore claimed that it did not violate the terms of the current U.S. ceasefire agreement with Iran.

Meanwhile, several Iranian state-run news outlets carried a claim by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) that it struck the air base from which the U.S. launched an air strike on a telecommunications tower on Iran’s Sirik Island in the Persian Gulf. This was consistent with CENTCOM’s report about the attack by U.S. fighters on Iran’s air defenses.

A second Central Command report issued Monday morning said that its forces had “successfully intercepted two Iranian ballistic missiles targeting American forces stationed at the Ali Al Salem Air Base in Kuwait.

“These missiles were immediately defeated, and no American personnel were harmed,” the CENTCOM report added, although CNN reported that some of the Kuwaiti base’s personnel were injured by falling debris from the missile interceptions.

There was also an earlier Iranian ballistic missile attack on a Kuwaiti air base last week in which four American service members and three private contractors suffered minor injuries. Fortunately, according to a CBS News report, all seven of them were able to return to their normal duties within 24 hours.

CENTCOM also reported Saturday that its forces had opened fire upon and disabled the cargo vessel M/V Lian Star, which was flying the flag of Gambia as it attempted to run the American blockade of Iranian ports in the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. An American warplane fired a Hellfire air-to-ground missile, which destroyed the vessel’s engine room after it ignored more than 20 warnings to turn back. It was the fifth vessel to have been disabled by the U.S. military enforcing the blockade, in addition to 121 other vessels that have been peacefully “redirected” by the U.S. military since President Trump imposed the naval blockade on Iranian ports on April 13.

After the vessel was disabled, Secretary of War Pete Hegseth emphasized that the U.S. blockade on all shipping to or from Iran’s Persian Gulf ports will continue to be strictly enforced until a peace agreement with Iran is finalized.

Centcom Helped 70 Ships Run Iran’s Blockade

However, according to a CBS News report on Monday, for the past three weeks, CENTCOM has been quietly assisting 70 commercial ships to successfully run the Iranian blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, which is being enforced by small gunboats belonging to the IRGC, by showing them a channel through the Strait that is much further than usual from the coast of Iran.

On the other hand, the IRGC released a statement Monday saying that over the previous 24 hours, it had supervised the transit of 15 vessels, 4 of them oil tankers, through the Strait after charging them each a toll, despite the fact that the Strait has long been considered to be international waters which are open to free passage by vessels of all nations. The IRGC statement also included a warning that any vessels transiting the Strait in “cooperation with hostile extra-regional forces” [clearly meaning CENTCOM] will be seen as “an imminent security threat and will be dealt with accordingly.”

The IRGC threat to attack any ship trying to transit the Strait of Hormuz without paying a toll to Iran is not an idle bluff. According to the U.K. Maritime Trade Operations Center (UKMTO), run by the British Royal Navy, there have been 44 confirmed attacks on commercial ships operating in Middle East waters since the war with Iran began on February 28. The latest incident took place on Monday off the coast of Iraq, when the Panama-flagged containership, MSC Sariska V, reported a “large explosion following a hit from an unknown projectile on the starboard side,” which created a hole in the side of the vessel above the waterline.

Economic Impact of the War Over Middle East Oil

Meanwhile, the Pentagon estimated last month that the American blockade was costing Iran more than $400 million a day in lost oil export revenue, and that Iran’s oil storage tanks at its main export terminal on Kharg Island in the Persian Gulf were filled to capacity, forcing Iran to start shutting down production at its oil wells.

The imposition of the U.S. and Iranian blockades of the Persian Gulf caused prices for crude oil on global markets to spike by about 50% to more than $100 a barrel. That led in turn to an increase in the nationwide average cost of gas at the pump to more than $4.50 a gallon, causing financial hardship for tens of millions of American working-class and middle-income households. However, as prospects for a peace agreement between the U.S. and Iran seemed to improve over the past week, the benchmark price of West Texas Intermediate crude oil fell briefly below $90 a barrel while gas prices at the pump across America slowly dropped back down to $4.35 a gallon.

American Oil Is Replacing Blocked Persian Gulf Shipments

Trump’s former National Economic Council Director, Kevin Hassett, predicted in a Fox News interview Sunday that crude oil and gasoline prices will continue to fall in the coming days as more tanker ships, now carrying American-produced crude oil, begin reaching the oil refineries in East Asia, which were forced to shut down due to the cutoff in their usual oil shipments from the Persian Gulf. Once these refineries resume production, he said confidently, the current global shortages of gasoline and jet fuel that have been driving the sharp increase in energy costs and the price of gas at the pump will be quickly ended, and he predicted that fuel supplies and energy prices will then return to normal levels within two months.

In a separate interview with ABC News Sunday, Hassett also downplayed the concerns expressed last week by ExxonMobil Senior Vice President Neil Chapman that the continued drawdown of about 9 million barrels of oil per week will soon exhaust America’s Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR), potentially resulting in a further increase in the cost of crude oil to $160 a barrel. Hassett said in response to that dire prediction that both the federal government and private American companies are still holding billions of barrels of oil in reserve, which are available to be released to keep energy prices from increasing much further.

Hassett also responded to a recent Gallup poll that found that only 16% of Americans currently rate the Trump economy as excellent or good. He argued that those poll numbers do not reflect the fact that recent gains in real wages and the stock prices have more than offset the current temporary spike in the price of gas at the pump, and other examples of continued inflation.

“If [Americans] look at their wallets and look at how much money they have after the increase in prices, they’re going to find that they have a lot more money [to spend],” Hasset said.

Trump Under Pressure While Iran’s Leaders Are Emboldened

Nevertheless, President Trump remains under strong diplomatic pressure from America’s Persian Gulf allies to reopen the Strait to their energy exports as soon as possible. He is also under intense political pressure at home from Republican candidates running in the upcoming November midterm elections to bring prices at the pump back down to about $3.15 a gallon, where they were a year ago, before the U.S. and Israel jointly attacked Iran for the first time.

It appears that Iran’s new hardline leaders have been emboldened by their success, so far, in closing the Strait of Hormuz, and their ability to withstand President Trump’s efforts to further damage Iran’s economy by imposing a naval blockade on its oil exports.

Meanwhile, Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu has admitted that he has little influence over President Trump’s decision on whether or not to agree to the Memo of Understanding, which would provide a financial lifeline for the current Islamic regime by loosening sanctions on its oil exports and unfreezing Iran’s funds sitting in foreign banks, in return for the immediate reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and negotiations over the restrictions that Trump is demanding on Iran’s nuclear program.

However, Netanyahu has not yet said or implied that Trump has given him any guarantee that the agreement the U.S. is now trying to negotiate with Iran will address Israel’s other top two security demands, which are the imposition of restrictions on the size and range of Iran’s ballistic missile arsenal, and the end to Iran’s practice of arming, directing, and supporting its terrorist proxies which have been attacking Israel, including, in particular, Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.

Complicating Netanyahu’s Domestic Political Problems

This has become a major problem for Netanyahu’s bid for re-election as prime minister. As Israel prepares for the next Knesset election, which, by law, must be held no later than October 27, Netanyahu has come under withering attack by the leaders of Israel’s opposition parties. In addition to the lingering security concerns about Iran, as well as Netanyahu’s near-total subservience to President Trump. Israeli opposition leaders will also try to hold the prime minister and his government responsible for the grave intelligence failures that led to Hamas’ devastating October 7 attack, and the still unfinished war to eliminate Hamas control over Gaza, even though Trump’s ceasefire did eventually secure the return of all of the hostages, alive and dead, that Hamas captured and brought to Gaza that day.

The Wall Street Journal reported last week that the United Arab Emirates (UAE) carried out dozens of air strikes against Iran beginning in the early days of the war and continuing through the day after the April ceasefire was declared, suggesting a much deeper UAE involvement in the 40-day air campaign led by the U.S. and Israel than had previously been suspected.

How the UAE Separated Itself From Its Gulf Neighbors

The newly revealed extent of the strikes is further evidence of the UAE’s growing willingness to use force in retaliation for Iran’s numerous attacks on its strategic interests, including its oil and natural gas infrastructure, as well as high-profile luxury real estate and tourist attractions. That has set the UAE apart from some of its Gulf region neighbors, including Saudi Arabia, which has taken a far more cautious approach in response to the attack upon them by Iran.

The UAE’s counterattacks on Iran were conducted by its modern air force, equipped with 80 of the most advanced model of America’s F-16 versatile warplanes and an equal number of French Mirage jet fighters. The U.S. and Israel cooperated by providing the UAE with intelligence information on strategic targets in Iran, such as the islands of Qeshm and Abu Musa in the Strait of Hormuz; the naval port at Bandar Abbas; the oil refinery on Lavan island in the Persian Gulf; and the Asaluyeh petrochemical complex. The Asaluyeh air strike, which was carried out in cooperation with Israel, was so damaging that it prompted President Trump to request an end to further attacks on Iran’s energy facilities to avoid disturbing the current negotiations with Iran for a new ceasefire.

The Persian Gulf countries told President Trump before the war that they wouldn’t let their airspace or military bases be used for the planned joint U.S.-Israeli attacks on Iran, hoping that would enable them to stay clear of the fighting. However, Iran responded to the devastating initial round of U.S. and Israeli air strikes on February 28 by launching hundreds of missiles and drone attacks against the population centers, energy infrastructure, and airports in the Gulf states to raise the economic and political costs of the conflict to the rest of the region. At that time, some of the Gulf countries quietly reversed their policies and opened their airspace and bases to the U.S. warplanes attacking Iran.

Iran Launched More Attacks on the UAE Than Israel

The UAE suffered the brunt of Iran’s attacks with more than 2,800 missiles and drones, far more than Iran fired at any other country in the region, including Israel. However, while Saudi Arabia, which suffered far fewer and less damaging Iranian attacks from Iran, did publicly condemn the Tehran regime for attacking all of the other Gulf states, it took a much less confrontational approach to Iran than the UAE did.

Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman (widely known as MBS), also worked behind the scenes to try to resolve the conflict through diplomacy. He also deeply frustrated UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed by refusing to participate in the UAE’s ambitious plans for coordinated multinational counterattacks against Iran.

However, the UAE did coordinate its ongoing counterattacks against Iran with Israel, which responded by loaning the UAE one of its renowned Iron Dome anti-missile batteries, complete with dozens of IDF personnel trained in its use. That battery then defended UAE targets from ongoing attacks by successfully intercepting dozens of Iran’s short-range missiles.

In addition, several top Israeli government officials, including Prime Minister Netanyahu, David Barnea, who was largely responsible for the remarkable recent accomplishments of Israel’s legendary Mossad spy agency, the head of the Shin Bet, and the IDF’s chief of staff, all secretly visited the UAE to coordinate with the war against Iran. That also vastly strengthened and added an element of military cooperation to the economic and diplomatic ties that have existed between the UAE and Israel since the 2020 signing of the Abraham Accords between them. Israeli officials have also been encouraged to hope that the current high level of military cooperation with the UAE against Iran will evolve into a long-term strategic partnership between the two countries.

That further exacerbated the pre-existing divisions between the Saudis and the UAE, which were already on opposite sides of ongoing civil wars in Sudan and Yemen. In early April, Saudi Arabia reportedly complained to the U.S. that the UAE’s counterattacks were raising the risk that all of the region’s energy facilities could be targeted by Iran, further rocking global energy markets. The Saudis were also said to have urged the U.S. to pressure the UAE’s leaders to stop their retaliatory attacks on Iran and join the diplomatic efforts to reach a negotiated end to the conflict.

UAE Leaders Abandon OPEC and Call for Closer Ties With Israel

The UAE responded to the Saudi complaint with an act of defiance by announcing in April that it was pulling out of the Saudi-led OPEC oil cartel. The UAE had initially denied Iran’s accusations that it had joined the U.S. and Israeli air strikes. But after the rift opened up with the Saudis, UAE leaders announced their intentions to strengthen their country’s growing security ties with both the U.S. and Israel.

The UAE also backed, with the support of its Persian Gulf neighbor, Bahrain, a draft United Nations Security Council resolution that authorized the use of military force, if necessary, to “repress, neutralize and deter attempts [by Iran] to close, obstruct or otherwise interfere” with free passage by all vessels through the Strait of Hormuz.

In addition to its military counterattacks, the UAE acted in other ways against Iran’s financial interests. It closed the Iranian-affiliated schools and clubs in Dubai, the UAE’s largest city. It denied applications for tourist visas and transit rights from Iranian citizens, and it no longer provided Iran with a lifeline to help it fight the crippling economic sanctions applied against it by Trump.

Iran Escalates Its Attacks on the UAE

The UAE’s aggressive military response to Iran’s attacks upon it led to an escalation by Iran in its selection of targets in the UAE. First on March 14, and then on May 4, three weeks after President Trump announced the blockade on all shipping going to or from Iran’s Persian Gulf ports, Iran staged major drone and missile attacks on the UAE’s oil port at Fujairah. That facility is particularly significant because it is located on the southern coast of the Gulf of Oman, at the end of an oil pipeline stretching across the UAE, which bypasses the Iranian blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. Also on May 4, the leaders of Iran’s hardline Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) dared to publish maps extending the control of its navy, made up of small, fast gunboats, over the UAE’s Gulf of Oman coastline, including its crucial oil terminal at Fujairah.

On May 18, six drones were launched by one of the Iranian-supported Shiite militias in Iraq that have been firing drones and missiles at U.S. troops stationed at bases across the region, at the UAE’s nuclear power plant in Abu Dhabi. Two out of the three drones that eventually entered UAE airspace were shot down, while the third drone hit and damaged an electrical generator just outside the perimeter of the reactor complex.

Fortunately, the drone attack did not result in the release of radiation, but the leader of the U.N.’s nuclear monitor, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), expressed grave concern, condemning Iran’s attack targeting a civilian nuclear site, which could have had catastrophic results.

However, that attack and others on the UAE’s critical energy facilities apparently convinced the Emirati president to adopt a less aggressive posture by joining with other Gulf region leaders in a conference call to President Trump, urging him to seek once again a diplomatic solution to the conflict with Iran.

Gingrich Praises Trump’s Leadership

Meanwhile, former GOP House Speaker Newt Gingrich issued his own analysis of the current strategic position of the U.S. in its conflict with Iran, and stated that after spending a week reviewing the war, “I am now convinced President Trump is on the edge of an historic victory.”

Gingrich also said that the key to gaining a proper understanding of the situation requires review of “President Trump’s decisions and maneuvers not from the standpoint of American unilateralism but from the standpoint of the leader of a remarkable historic coalition, the largest coalition ever put together in the modern Middle East. . .

“A great deal of President Trump’s maneuvers against Iran make sense once he is seen as a coalition leader and not just as a unilateral American President.”

Gingrich then explains that while “everyone understands that Israel is an important ally, what is [too] little discussed is the depth of support from the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and other countries in the region.

Trump Is Building a Large Anti-Iran Coalition

He suggests that despite their initial opposition to Trump’s decision to attack Iran, “slowly, gradually, timidly, our European allies are lining up to help with the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz.”

Gingrich notes that, “It has to be sobering for the Iranian dictatorship to realize that it does not have a single ally willing to challenge the American naval blockade.”

Gingrich, a former college professor of American history, then compared the current military problem confronting Trump of winning the battle against Iran to clear the Strait of Hormuz to “the shocking and shattering level of force President Nixon and Secretary Kissinger used against Hanoi and Haiphong in [December] 1972 (which both leaders believed convinced the North Vietnamese to agree to a truce and the freeing of American POWs).”

However, Gingrich also observes that using that level of U.S. military force against Iran would “shatter the coalition because our Arab allies are convinced Iran could still do enormous damage to their oil fields and infrastructure.”

Gingrich Argues That Coalitions Are Slower but More Powerful

Gingrich then explains why Trump has adopted his current strategy: While “coalitions are inherently slower than unilateral [military] campaigns. . . coalitions ultimately bring vastly more power to the fight.”

While Gingrich admits that, “I am as frustrated as everyone else by the pace of talking with the [Iranian] dictatorship. But having reviewed the correlation of forces and the options available to the [U.S.] coalition on one side and the Iranian religiously motivated dictatorship on the other, I am prepared to assert that President Trump… is within reach of an enormous historic victory.

“And if the Iranian dictatorship ultimately proves it is hopelessly committed to a suicidal position, there will be plenty of time for a [military] campaign of enormous power and effectiveness.

“Either way,” Gingrich concludes optimistically, “we are on the edge of an astonishing victory for our values and for a safer Middle East.

Pros and Cons for a Quick Deal With Iran

On the other hand, Wall Street Journal columnist Walter Russel Mead has a much more pessimistic outlook on the prospects for both sides reaching a mutually acceptable negotiated solution to the conflict. Mead notes that the hardline new leaders of Iran and President Trump each have compelling domestic political reasons for wanting to end the conflict as soon as possible.

Obviously, Trump needs Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz to end in time to provide substantial economic relief to the tens of millions of American car-owning households that can’t afford to continue paying $4.50 per gallon for gas at the pump, well before November’s midterm elections. Meanwhile, Iran’s new hardline leaders also need relief from Trump’s economic sanctions that have crippled Iran’s economy, before the suffering it is inflicting on Iran’s 90 million people finally leads to an explosion, overcoming their fear of the violent and brutal tactics the regime is using to repress any hint of opposition or challenge to their religious authority and governmental legitimacy.

Fresh Water May Be More Important to the Middle East Than Oil

Mead believes that the largest threat to the coalition that Gingrich is talking about between Trump and the leaders of Iran’s neighboring Persian Gulf states is not the vulnerability of their oil fields, pipelines, and refineries, but rather the danger that Iran will attack their desalination plants. For example, Mead writes that “Saudi Arabia’s cities rely heavily on massive desalination complexes. The capital, Riyadh, is particularly exposed, as most of its water comes through pipelines from large desalination plants on the Gulf. If those facilities were taken out of commission, much of Riyadh’s population would likely have to be evacuated within days.”

Furthermore, even though attacking the desalination plants providing drinking water to civilian populations is considered a war crime, the current hardline leaders of Iran did not hesitate to carry out attacks on desalination plants in Kuwait and Bahrain. As a result, Mead suggests that the “threat to Gulf desalination facilities. . . may loom larger. . . than Iran’s threats to shipping in the Strait of Hormuz.”

Mead therefore concludes that, “Unless the U.S. [can]. . . find an effective deterrent to Iranian attacks on vital infrastructure, the choice may come down to providing a credible nuclear shield [from Iran] for our Gulf allies or abandoning them to the tender mercies of the Islamic Republic.”

The Risks of Taking the Easy Way Out

New York Times commentator Bret Stephens explains that the near-term political and economic advantages from agreeing to a quick, but imperfect deal with Iran may seem preferable to the taking the political risks of dragging out the negotiations with Iran while Americans are still suffering from inflated energy prices, or the risk of leading the U.S. back into a war, and failing once again to force the Islamic regime’s stubbornly resilient leaders into submission to his demands. But Stephens also points out the three main risks to the United States of taking the easy way out by making an agreement with the utterly unscrupulous, dishonest, and ruthless Islamic regime.

First, Stephens cites the dangers of permitting the Iranian “regime to emerge from the war as the perceived victor.” America’s global competitors, such as China, and its allies, such as the Saudis, who have long relied upon the American nuclear umbrella for their protection, will take note of its failure to stand up to its enemies and stand by its friends. It will also further embolden the new leaders of the Iranian regime to believe that they can make any further demands they want from their Persian Gulf neighbors and the many countries around the world, dependent on a continuing flow of Persian Gulf oil for the energy needed to run their economies, simply by threatening to close the Strait of Hormuz again. Furthermore, Stephens notes, that any deal that the Islamic regime might make with Trump now “to end the current blockade [of the Persian Gulf] is merely an enticement for the next blockade and the one after that.”

Why Iran Has Never Won A War Or Lost A Negotiation

Second, Stephens warns that the familiar adage “that the Iranian regime has never won a war or lost a negotiation happens to be true. That’s not just because the regime has a genius for bargaining, though it does. It has an equal genius for bending and breaking rules and agreements whenever it suits its needs,” as it proved when it found ways around all of its legally binding obligations and the restrictions on its nuclear weapons program in President Obama’s 2015 nuclear deal with Iran.

Stephens also notes that the Iranian regime is expert at the diplomatic game of “play[ing] for time with a carefully balanced set of tantalizing promises and extraneous demands. . . they’ll insist upon in exchange for easily reversible concessions.”

Third and last, Stephens warns that “Trump will get no political relief in the midterms if his signature presidential act for 2026 is a failed war.”

Economic Pain in Pursuit of Strategic Futility Is a Political Blunder

However, the New York Times columnist also points out that while voters may complain bitterly about being forced to pay so much more for gas at the pump, “many are also willing to swallow the cost for a worthy objective — such as removing a potent and rising menace to America’s security and our vital interests. But economic pain in pursuit of strategic futility is an unforgivable political blunder.”

Stephens concludes that Trump is now facing a grim choice in dealing with Iran going forward. He writes, “Trump need not be defeated in this war, but he’s close. Should he lose it, what remains of his presidency will go down with it.”

Similarly, Dan Diker, president of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, an Israeli think tank, warns that “any agreement [Trump agrees to] that leaves the [current] regime intact is likely to be treated by [Iran’s leaders] as a temporary tactical pause rather than a final settlement.”

Diker and many others, note that the Islamic regime has been successful in its diplomatic encounters with the West in the past because it “views negotiations not as a path to peace but as a continuation of conflict through [other] means.”

Diker’s description of Iran’s strategic mindset is a clever reversal of an insight into the nature of conflicts between nations made famous by Carl von Clausewitz, the 19th-century Prussian military strategist who defined war as “the continuation of politics by other means.”

The Islamic regime’s attitudes have been shaped by Shiite Islamic traditions, which celebrate the “concepts of endurance, sacrifice and martyrdom.” Also, the importance that Iran’s culture assigns to continued resistance and the ability to tolerate hardships for the sake of achieving its goals makes Iran’s leadership much more stubborn and less willing to admit defeat than that of any secular nation-state.

Iran Never Considers Any Agreement Final

As a result, Diker suggests that no Iranian agreement with an adversary is ever considered final. “Temporary truces are. . . used to buy time, regroup, and strengthen before resuming confrontation.”

Furthermore, the deliberately overlapping of institutional authority in Iran’s hybrid parliamentary/theocratic government makes it easier for its leaders to “obstruct or quietly reverse concessions [to their adversaries] even after agreements are signed.”

Diker refers to the observation by British Middle East analyst Andrew Fox that while the leaders of most Western nations use material metrics, such as territory won or lost, casualties, and the level of economic damage, to determine whether a war has been won or lost, Iran’s Islamic leaders are much more interested in attaining a spiritual victory over their enemies, which is enhanced rather diminished by any material losses that are suffered in the process.

Why Pressure Hardens Iran’s Resistance Rather Than Breaking It

As Diker observes, “This is why pressure so often hardens the regime rather than breaking it. . .

“Tehran does not define victory as Washington does. Its calculation is narrower and far more durable: Did the regime survive? Did resistance continue? If the answer is yes, the leadership can frame even catastrophic material losses… as a spiritual triumph.”

That is why President Trump may be technically correct when he claims that militarily, Iran has already been soundly defeated, and that the decapitation of Iran’s military and political leadership, combined with the assassination of its Supreme Leader on the first day of the war, means that the goal of regime change is already a reality. But because the Islamic regime has entirely different criteria for judging victory and defeat, the conflict is destined to go on, with no end yet in sight.

Iran hung over Israel, the United States, and much of the Arab world like an albatross for nearly half a century following the Islamic Revolution of 1979. During those decades, successive American presidents promised to contain the regime, restrain its ambitions, or reform its behavior. None succeeded.

Instead, the ayatollahs grew steadily bolder. They financed and armed terror proxies across the Middle East, spread terror and instability through Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis, threatened shipping lanes and oil supplies, and relentlessly advanced toward nuclear capability. As time went on, Iran entrenched itself even further.

For years, Israeli Prime Minister Binyomin Netanyahu warned the world about Iran and the danger it represented. Most Western leaders treated his warnings with discomfort or irritation. Barack Obama openly despised him and viewed Netanyahu as an obstacle to diplomacy. Joe Biden was similarly distrustful of him and his confrontational approach.

The first American president willing to embrace Netanyahu’s view of Iran was Donald Trump. Together with Israel, the United States eventually crossed a line previous administrations feared to cross, striking Iranian nuclear facilities during last year’s 12-Day War. More recently, they undertook a joint operation to degrade Iran and permanently remove the threat it represented.

Iran suffered devastating blows. Military infrastructure was damaged. The Ayatollah Supreme Leader and senior commanders were eliminated. Yet, authoritarian regimes possess a grim advantage over democracies: They can absorb enormous suffering without changing course. Tyrannies do not answer to public exhaustion, economic pain, or mounting casualties in the same way elected governments do. So regardless of how hard they are hit and how much they suffer, they absorb the blows and continue forward.

The military success exposed an older and more difficult problem: It is relatively easy to begin a war. The hard part is ending it.

Democracies grow weary quickly. Citizens expect results, timelines, and exits. They measure wars in news cycles and election seasons. Dictatorships measure them in generations.

That is the dilemma now confronting Trump and Netanyahu. Bombing campaigns can weaken a regime, but unless the regime collapses or surrenders completely, the question becomes: What comes next?

Trump wants to be remembered not as a wartime president trapped in another endless Middle Eastern conflict, but as a dealmaker and peacemaker. Ceasefires are declared, promises are extracted, negotiations resume, and the cycle begins again.

Trump no longer allows Netanyahu to lead him. He wants a way out, and Netanyahu does not appear to have one. Trump declared a ceasefire many weeks ago. Iran promised to keep the Strait of Hormuz open and negotiate an end to its nuclear ambitions. Neither has happened, and now a new deal is being negotiated that allows the tyrants to remain in power while once again accepting their word regarding keeping the strait open and negotiating an end to their nuclear program.

And perhaps that is the larger lesson.

Human beings often rush into conflicts, relationships, policies, and wars driven by emotion, instinct, or necessity, without seriously considering how they will conclude if events do not unfold according to plan. Beginning something is easy. Ending it wisely is much harder.

Children grab for toys without thinking beyond the moment. They see a toy and want to play with it. If another child has it or wants it and resists, the struggle escalates instinctively. Neither child can yet speak, so they grab and fight.

Maturity means developing the ability to see beyond the immediate impulse, to anticipate consequences, to understand limits, and to recognize that force alone rarely resolves complex struggles.

Growing up means learning to live with insight instead of inclination.

Not every adult fully learns that lesson.

Some people move through life reacting emotionally to every frustration, temptation, and provocation. They begin conflicts without considering how difficult they may be to end. They make decisions based on momentary feelings instead of long-term consequences.

People often rush into things emotionally, impulsively, or reactively, without considering the consequences, the endings, the costs, or whether they even have a plan.

Nations are often not much different.

Military campaigns can begin with dramatic speeches and decisive action. But once events fail to unfold according to plan, leaders suddenly discover that there is no simple exit. Democracies grow impatient. New leaders replace old ones. Temporary victories create new complications; overwhelming power cannot always produce a clean or permanent solution.

And so the world finds itself trapped in cycles that nobody fully thought through from the beginning.

But this problem is not limited to governments and wars.

In truth, people do this every day in their private lives.

A person says something sharp in anger without thinking where the argument will lead. Someone makes a reckless purchase without considering the consequences.

Human beings are often captivated by the immediate moment. We want something, so we reach for it. We are hurt, so we strike back. We are angry, so we react.

But mature thinking involves the ability to pause and ask not only, “What do I want right now?” but also, “Where will this lead?”

Wisdom is not merely the ability to act. It is the ability to think ahead.

Before speaking, before fighting, before committing, before reacting, before investing time, money, or prestige into a project, a person must ask himself: What happens if this does not work out? Where will this step that I am taking lead me? And what will this decision demand of me tomorrow, next month, or years from now?

Anyone can start something. Intelligence and maturity mean understanding the cost of finishing it, and sometimes not getting involved in the first place.

The Brisker Rov would illustrate this idea with a moshol about a young baal agalah whose wagon veered off the road and became stuck in thick mud.

The driver strained with all his might to free the wagon. He whipped his poor horses repeatedly, pushed at the wheels, and tried every trick he knew, but the wagon only sank deeper. Exhausted and frustrated, he realized that he had no choice but to trudge into town to seek advice from the veteran wagon drivers gathered at the local inn.

Spotting one baal agalah who looked particularly seasoned and wise, the young man approached him and poured out his troubles.

“I’ve tried everything,” he said desperately. “Nothing works. Tell me, how do I get out of this mess?”

The older driver listened quietly and then replied: “My dear friend, you are right. Once a wagon sinks that deeply into the mud, it is impossible to get out. But an experienced baal agalah knows that the real wisdom is not in figuring out how to escape the mud afterward, it is knowing how not to get stuck in it.”

That lesson applies not only to wagon drivers, but to nations and individuals as well.

For decades, the world allowed Iran to become entrenched, believing that somehow the problem could always be managed later through diplomacy, sanctions, threats, or limited military action. Now leaders across the world are struggling to answer a question that should have been asked long ago: How do you get out of a situation that was permitted to grow unchecked for nearly half a century?

But the lesson is not only about Iran. It is about us.

In life, people often act first and think later. They speak in anger and only afterward wonder how to repair the damage. They enter conflicts, commitments, and situations without considering where they may lead. Emotion and impulse overpower judgment and foresight.

The wise person tries to think several steps ahead before acting.

Anyone can charge ahead impulsively. Wisdom lies in seeing the mud before the wagon sinks into it.

Chazal reinforce this lesson in this week’s parsha. Rashi (6:2), quoting the Gemara (Sotah 2a), asks why the parsha of nozir immediately follows the parsha of sotah. He explains, “Loma nismicha parshas nozir l’parshas sotah, lomar loch shekol haroeh sotah b’kilkulah yazir atzmo min hayayin — Whoever sees a sotah in her disgrace should forbid himself from drinking wine.”

At first glance, the lesson seems difficult to understand. The person we are referring to has just witnessed the terrible consequences of sin. He has seen humiliation, pain, and destruction. We would think that the experience would strengthen his resolve never to sin.

Yet, Chazal understood human nature differently.

Being exposed to sin, even while witnessing its consequences, can weaken a person’s natural revulsion toward aveirah. The very exposure creates familiarity. The boundaries become less absolute. What once seemed unthinkable slowly becomes imaginable.

Therefore, the Torah says that someone who witnessed the sotah in her disgrace must take protective action. He must reinforce himself before temptation arrives. He must become a nozir and distance himself from wine so that he will not be led to spiritual failure. Transgressing an aveirah begins with small compromises, lowered defenses, and the mistaken belief that “it could never happen to me.”

That is the deeper lesson the Torah is teaching.

A wise person does not merely react once he is trapped in the mud. He thinks ahead and protects himself before reaching dangerous ground.

And if this is true regarding a sotah, where the person who committed the aveirah is disgraced and suffering the consequences, how much more so must a person be careful when surrounded by sinners who appear successful, happy, and carefree. When an aveirah is packaged attractively, when wrongdoing appears glamorous or rewarding, the danger becomes far greater.

The Torah therefore teaches us that a person must always think several steps ahead. We must know where certain roads lead, even when the beginning appears harmless or pleasurable. We must understand that aveirah always leads to kilkul.

Similarly, Chazal teach us in Pirkei Avos, “Hevei mechasheiv hefsed mitzvah keneged sechorah, usechar aveirah keneged hefseidah.”

When it feels difficult or costly to do a mitzvah, Chazal recommend thinking about the eternal reward it brings and recognizing that the temporary sacrifice is insignificant compared to the everlasting gain. And when an aveirah appears profitable, enjoyable, or enticing, think ahead to the spiritual damage, the loss, and the consequences it will inevitably bring.

The Torah is teaching us to live not by impulse, but by thought.

Sinners and fools live only in the moment, swept along by temptation, emotion, and desire. Bnei Torah are meant to live differently. A ben Torah thinks before he acts. He looks beyond the excitement of the moment and considers where a path ultimately leads before taking the first step down the road.

And no person should imagine themself immune to influence.

People often assume that they can read whatever they wish, expose themselves to questionable ideas and lifestyles, and remain untouched by them. They convince themselves that seeing improper behavior, hearing distorted attitudes, or consuming foolishness — and worse — will not affect their thinking or weaken their values.

But the Torah teaches otherwise.

Chazal understood that exposure itself changes a person. What once shocked him slowly becomes normal. What was unacceptable gradually loses its ugliness. The yeitzer hora rarely succeeds through sudden collapse. It works slowly, eroding sensitivities little by little until a person no longer recognizes how far he has drifted.

When the Second World War ended, many of the refugees of the Mir Yeshiva who had survived the war years in Shanghai emigrated to the United States. Among them was the great mashgiach, Rav Yechezkel Levenstein. Yet, he found himself unable to remain here for long.

He explained that when he first arrived in America, the sight of public chillul Shabbos horrified him. Seeing cars driving on Shabbos caused him deep pain. But as time passed, he noticed that he was becoming accustomed to it. The shock was fading. That realization frightened him so deeply that he left America and moved to Eretz Yisroel.

Today, many of us are fortunate to live in neighborhoods where Shabbos is publicly honored and cherished. The streets are quiet, the stores are closed, and the atmosphere itself reflects kedushas Shabbos. But no person should believe that he is beyond influence. Even if our streets are sheltered, our minds and hearts are constantly exposed to a world filled with temptations, distractions, and values profoundly at odds with Torah.

The lesson of the nozir is as relevant today as ever. We must think ahead. We must protect ourselves before the struggle begins. We must recognize which influences strengthen us and which slowly weaken us, even when the damage is not immediately visible.

After having just experienced the beautiful Yom Tov of Shavuos, we should carry this message with us. “Loma nismicha chag Shavuos l’parshas nozir.” At Har Sinai, on Shavuos, we were given a way of life through the Torah that teaches us to live thoughtfully, carefully, and deliberately. We need to ask ourselves where what we are doing will lead, what type of person it will make us, and whether it will bring us closer to Hashem or further away.

The world often glorifies spontaneity and living for the moment. Torah teaches responsibility, foresight, and self-awareness. It teaches us to see the mud before the wagon sinks into it. It teaches us to be a mamleches kohanim v’goy kadosh.

May we all merit living lives of Torah and mitzvos and merit the coming of Moshiach very soon.

There are points during Shavuos when many of us feel on such a spiritual high that we wonder why, at other times during the year, we feel so low. For some of us, the high came during the singing at the ne’ilas hachag. For others, it was during the learning on Shavuos night. And for yet others, it was during davening. It does not matter when it happened. In general, Shavuos is a tremendously joyous Yom Tov, full of true chizuk in Torah. It is a Yom Tov when we are mekabel the Torah anew and when we really, truly want it to last.

Perhaps it is not a coincidence that Parshas Naso, which features the parsha of nozir, comes right after Shavuos.

Up, Down…and Up Again!

But first, by way of introduction, let me share a story that I happened to read on Erev Yom Tov.

Hillel*, an American bochur, learned in a prominent, non-chassidishe yeshiva in Yerushalayim in the early 1970s. During that period, he became very close to the Gerer Rebbe, the Bais Yisroel, and was deeply influenced by the elevated hanhogah taught and demanded by the Bais Yisroel.

Later, he returned to the United States, married, and, with time, had to enter the workforce to sustain his family.

Before long, Reb Hillel — the person who had learned so much from the Bais Yisroel and who always tried to rise above the pull of the yeitzer hora — found himself working in a large office. Working in that office may have been good for his financial bottom line, but it presented all kinds of spiritual hurdles that Reb Hillel was forced to overcome. It was not easy. He felt that his entire spiritual future was in danger, and he did not know what to do.

Hillel became tzubrochen. He was embarrassed…of himself. He was embarrassed at how exposed he had become to things to which he would not have wanted to be exposed. Even worse, he was so embarrassed that he did not have the courage to speak with a mentor about the nisyonos he was facing. This, in turn, made the situation even worse. It brought him to yiush, to despair.

Eventually, he took a short vacation from work and traveled to Eretz Yisroel.

He went to the Bais Yisroel, but was too embarrassed to tell the rebbe about his matzav. He did not even hint to the rebbe about the spiritual pitfalls he was facing and falling into.

On that Shabbos, the Shabbos of Parshas Acharei Mos, at the Gerer Bais Medrash, Reb Hillel was standing not far from the Bais Yisroel when the rebbe walked toward him and said the words from that week’s parsha, “Ushemartem es mishmarti v’lo sitamu bohem od — You will safeguard my charge and not be metamei yourselves through them…”

The way the rebbe focused his eyes on him and the specific posuk that he said sent an electric current through him. In his heart of hearts, he felt that the rebbe knew everything.

At that second, he felt that he had gotten past the nisayon of not being able to talk to the rebbe. His inhibition was gone. The next day, he went into the rebbe and opened his heart completely, relating everything. The rebbe was mechazeik him, elevating him tremendously. With just a few well-placed words, the rebbe enabled him to overcome all the chaos that had been muddling his brain. He walked out of the Bais Yisroel’s room like a different person.

What Is a Nozir?

This story got me thinking about the concept of nezirus.

There are many questions about nezirus, but first let us explore why a person would become a nozir.

One reason is to try to curb the power of the yeitzer hora. The Gemara (Nedorim 9) gives an example of a person who, after feeling that his yeitzer hora was overpowering him, undertook to become a nozir in order to elevate himself.

The Torah tells us that the root of the word nozir means separation. A nozir separates himself for thirty days from things that could lead to aveiros, such as wine. Also, the nozir does not cut his hair so as not to focus excessively on appearances, nor does the nozir come into contact with tumah.

After introducing the parsha of nozir, the Torah immediately tells us the halachos of what happens if a nozir mistakenly comes into contact with tumah during the thirty days of his nezirus. The Torah tells us how he must bring korbanos and then start over again.

Only then, after the Torah finishes telling us what one should do if he makes a mistake during his nezirus, does the Torah go on to tell us what one does if everything goes smoothly and which korbanos one brings at the conclusion of the thirty days of nezirus.

I once heard a basic question from one of the talmidim of the Bais Yisroel. He asked: Shouldn’t the Torah first tell us the halachos of nozir in a regular case, when a person properly completes his nezirus in accordance with halacha? Wouldn’t we expect that only then, after the Torah has explained all those halachos, the Torah would tell us what one should do in the unlikely event that he messes up his nezirus and is accidentally exposed to tumah? Why did the Torah tell us the halachos of what one should do if he messed up his nezirus before it actually finished telling us the halachos of a regular person who did not mess up his nezirus?

When We Try Hard…And Fall

He answered by explaining that there are times when we want to take our lives into our hands and stop being controlled by the yeitzer hora. We make a kabbolah to improve specific things that we feel need improvement. We really mean it. Our kabbolah is made with earnestness and great motivation, just like many of the kabbalos that many of us made on Shavuos or in advance of Shavuos.

If we are fortunate, the kabbolah does exactly what it is supposed to do, and we overcome the issue that has been weighing us down and vexing us. Everything is wonderful.

And then there are the times when it does not work the way we envisioned. There are times when, despite our best intentions and most heartfelt kabbalos, we are not successful, even on the very first try. There are times when the yeitzer hora places all kinds of stumbling blocks in our way, and instead of rising, we fall once again and feel even worse about it, because it happened despite our kabbolah and good intentions.

The Fall Is Part of Our Avodas Hashem

If this happens, the talmid of the Bais Yisroel explained, a person must strengthen himself and know that this is the seder ha’avodah. Kol haschalos kashos. All beginnings are difficult. In the end, however, a person can certainly rise above and merit to attain kedusha. Then, even that initial descent will result in ascent. Everything will be rectified. One should, therefore, never become totally broken as a result of a fall. The fall is itself part of our avodah. There are always ups and downs in our avodah.

That is why the Torah davka places the parsha of the nozir failing in his initial attempt first — to teach us that even if we fail initially in our quest for kedusha, or in any area of avodas Hashem, we should not become discouraged. Rather, we should get up, dust ourselves off, and try again.

This is the human condition in Olam Hazeh. There are ups and downs, and just as during the ups — such as on Shavuos — we were flying high, we must realize that, at times, there are also downs. Even more importantly, even during times of being down, we can always get up and start again.

Just like the nozir who messed up his nezirus, there is no room for despair, ever. Hashem is always there. He created us. He understands our nature. He just wants us to get up and not look back, but rather look forward and try again.

Try it!

My rebbi, Rav Yitzchok Hutner, was always exploring the follow-up to a Yom Tov. In his words, “Vos iz gebliben funn — What was left over from…Pesach, Sukkos, etc.?”

We find many seforim alluding to taking Sefer Tehillim with us after the Yom Tov of Shavuos. Of the many ways to divide Yidden into categories, one of them is “Tehillim zuggers,” those who are always reciting Tehillim and those who do so only upon special occasions. It becomes obvious when someone is called upon to say a rarely recited kappitel aloud. The teeth begin to break and it is obvious that this person may do fine with Ashrei but a good deal of Tehillim is somewhat foreign to him. For others, who complete Tehillim regularly — monthly, weekly or even daily — the pesukim flow like Shema and Ashrei itself. Sometimes, even otherwise scholarly talmidei chachomim find the words and pesukim challenging because of a lack of familiarity.

The week after Shavuos, the yahrtzeit of Dovid Hamelech, would seem to be a logical time to renew our connection with the wonderful gift of Sefer Tehillim. The Piltzer Rebbe, a grandson of the Chiddushei Horim, writes (Sifsei Tzaddik, Bamidbar, Shavuos, page 39) that “Dovid Hamelech bequeathed to us Sefer Tehillim, where we can each find whatever we need.” He quotes the well-known Chazal (Yalkut Shimoni, beginning of Tehillim) that whoever engages seriously in Sefer Tehillim is considered as if he studied deeply the difficult laws of Negaim and Ohalos.” In explaining this analogy, the rebbe suggests that Negaim and Ohalos both deal with situations that stem from pain, either illness or death. One who says and learns Sefer Tehillim can deal with, assuage and possibly even prevent such torment through the pesukim of one who suffered and overcame many challenges in his own life.

Rav Avrohom Sternbuch, rosh yeshiva of Yeshivas Bnei Tzion-Bobov in London, adds (Be’er Yitzchok, Shavuos, page 38) that “the first word of the Torah, Bereishis, includes the first word of Tehillim, Ashrei, to signify that Dovid granted us the gift of his Tehillim to supplant the need for the harsh conditions that lead to Negaim and Ohalos, pain and death. Just as the Torah itself is called a shirah – the essence of Sefer Tehillim and Torah is a cure for every ill, so does Tehillim soothe and provide a balm for the weary and dejected. Klal Yisroel has seen for centuries, indeed millennia, that whatever ails us can be remedied and cured by reciting Tehillim properly.

Rav Elazar Abuchatzeira (Pekudas Elazar, page 195) quotes his father as explaining why Dovid Hamelech wanted his sefer to be considered specifically like Negaim and Ohalos. If a talmid chochom analyzes a certain nega and decides that it is truly tzoraas, he must still ask a kohein to declare it to be so. Although the kohein may not be as knowledgeable as the talmid chochom, it is the kohein’s word that creates the reality of the halacha (see Rambam, Hilchos Tumas Tzoraas 9:2). Dovid Hamelech wanted his words to work similarly, even without one understanding the words and certainly their esoteric meaning. He definitely got his wish, because ever since, all of Klal Yisroel lovingly and readily recite his words, often attaining their goals miraculously, without knowing exactly what they are saying.

There is a tremendous chiddush in Rav Abuchatzeira’s words that must  be explored. We know that there are several levels to davening with kavanah. We must know exactly which middah is represented by each of the names of Hashem that we utter (Shaarei Teshuvah 5:1). Furthermore, we must actually understand the meaning of each word in every brocha we say (ibid.). We are not even supposed to answer amein to a brocha when we are not aware which brocha was recited, even if the entire congregation is answering amein (Rama 124:8;11). This is because, as the poskim write sharply, we must not merely parrot words, but must have kavanah about each word. It is therefore all the more amazing and surprising that Dovid Hamelech would have wanted his words to resonate with us, even when they are incomprehensible. On the contrary, those Tehillim zuggers we spoke of are often the most dramatic proof of the fulfillment of Dovid’s wish.

But why, indeed, should this be? Why should the noble act of reciting Tehillim have been enacted as being almost emptied of intellectual and rational content? Perhaps the answer is somewhat embedded in the difference between those who learned all night and those who recited Tikkun Leil Shavuos. Now it is true that the Klausenberger Rebbe made a stark distinction between the recitation of Tehillim and the saying of Tikkun Leil Shavuos. He was of the opinion that the purpose of the Tikkun is to remind ourselves about how poor our knowledge is and how we must put our minds and time into learning more Torah. This, he said, is as opposed to the saying of Tehillim, which may be recited without any understanding at all (Divrei Torah 3:39:5). He does write elsewhere (B’chatzros Hachaim, Sivan, 5762, page 7) that the Tikkun accomplished what the Gemara (Brachos 6a) says that “if someone tried to perform a mitzvah and simply couldn’t, he is granted the reward for it anyway.” When we show Hashem that we have tried learning the entire Torah but we just couldn’t, we will be rewarded for the effort.

However, other gedolim make the equation between Tehillim and Tikkun Leil Shavuos. The Ben Ish Chai (Volume 2, Kallah 1) writes that by saying the Tikkun, we are thanking Hashem for His kindness in allowing us to learn at our own pace, often without sufficient depth. Rav Mordechai Eliyahu (Divrei Mordechai, Vayikra, Shavuos, pages 299-300) alludes to the idea that by reciting Tikkun Leil Shavuos, we are in effect replicating the statement of our ancestors when they proclaimed, “Naaseh venishma.” They accepted the entire Torah without knowing what was in it and we do the same when we say the Tikkun.

We can now understand why, as reported by Rav Chaim Kanievsky (B’sod Siach, Shavuos, pages 368-369), the Chazon Ish advised some people to learn all night and others to recite the Tikkun. If someone can accept the Torah by learning it directly, with or without understanding, that is the best. But if one cannot, he should recite the Tikkun, which approximates the famous naaseh venishma, since it is impossible to understand everything one is saying from the Tikkun. Nevertheless, the greatness is that we accept the words as true and from Hashem, just as we recite Tehillim without knowing the meaning of the words. This surely brings together the mitzvah of reciting Tehillim with Dovid Hamelech’s wish to be accepted like the halachos of Negaim and Ohalos.

With some trepidation, this may also be the appropriate moment to suggest an approach to a well-known Medrash (Yalkut Shimoni, Bereishis 41). Adam Harishon saw that Dovid Hamelech was only granted three hours to live, so he gave him the gift of seventy years of his own life. He was supposed to live for a thousand years, but instead he lived for 930. Of course, the meaning of this unique present is shrouded in mystery, but on just one level, it was Dovid Hamelech and his Tehillim that atoned for Adam’s sin. Adam second-guessed Hashem’s edict not to eat of the Eitz Hadaas and so changed the world drastically for the worse. Dovid Hamelech made sure to give back a gift to Klal Yisroel, his Tehillim, which we would recite and cherish even though we didn’t even pretend to understand its meaning. This is not only naaseh venishma, but the antithesis of the aveirah that ruined mankind.

Now that this year’s Mattan Torah has come and gone, let’s savor the unique avodah of davening from our favorite edition of Tehillim, even when we don’t know exactly what we are saying. We are implicitly declaring our trust in Hashem, our gratitude to Dovid Hamelech, and our emunas chachomim that whatever our tzaddikim have said and told us to say is kodesh kodoshim. May all of our tefillos be fulfilled.

I’ll take you back more than fifty years. When I was in high school, one of the first “Lakewood branches,” there was a certain rivalry we had with the younger branches. I won’t name the particular one, both out of discretion and respect, and mainly because we live in a different world today. But we were all out-of-town branches of the same Lakewood tree, established by talmidim of the rosh yeshiva zt”l (there was only one from 1960 to the early 1980s). Even though we held ourselves superior, there was a sense of competition, at least among the high-schoolers.

We felt we were the serious ones. They were not. So the favorite line about them went like this: The day after summer was over, the boys in that yeshiva began preparing for their Purim celebrations and shtick. And the morning after Shushan Purim, they were already preparing for camp.

Whether or not the line was true, many years later, more than I would like to admit in print, I thought a bit about it. In certain ways, the joke was not about them at all. The joke was about all of us. I’m not saying Purim and camp per se, but, in essence, we are all creatures of anticipation.

Look at the calendar. I don’t mean the one on the wall in which dates in June are circled for many weddings be’ezras Hashem. I mean the luach. Yomim Tovim, fast days and the like. That is an emotional calendar, and although it is only Kabbolas HaTorah that gets a countdown, almost like each day that is associated with it, does not live for its twenty-four hours, but rather is only a gateway to a greater goal. Indeed, there is and was nothing greater than Kabbolas HaTorah, and thus the forty-nine days that preceded it, in essence, lived for it.

Even months like Elul, as powerful as it is in its essence, encapsulated and epitomized by the acronym it bears, “Ani L’Dodi V’Dodi Li,” in essence do not exist for themselves. Elul is a runway for Tishrei. The tachlis of Elul is for Rosh Hashanah, and the tachlis of Rosh Hashanah is for the Aseres Yemei Teshuvah, all leading up to the Yom Hakadosh, Yom Hakippurim.

Of course, the Central Avenues (known as Madison Avenue in the secular marketing world) have mishloach manos displays and advertisements ready before the Chanukah candles have stopped burning.

And of course, months before Pesach, the ads are all themed with ideas about how to spend your Yom Tov exotically. That’s not the focus of this column, so I’ll leave it at that. Of course, while the proper anticipation of Shavuos through the forty-nine days of Sefirah is spiritual elevation, and the forty-nine days are, by design, a countdown to the pinnacle of spirituality, there is much angst, anxiety and anticipation, either fueled or calmed by the myriad cheesecake-themed advertisements that appear somewhere around Lag Ba’omer.

And then Shavuos comes. And it is wonderful. And — this is the part nobody warns you about — then it goes.

It is now, as I write this, the back half of Sivan. And I want to ask a quiet question that I do not think we ask often enough: Now what?

Because here is the strange and slightly uncomfortable truth. We are not, as a rule, living in eager anticipation of what comes next. What comes next is the Three Weeks. And whatever else can be said about the Three Weeks, nobody is counting down to them. There is no display in the seforim store. There are no themed advertisements. We may have said it in woe, but nobody has ever excitedly told a friend, “I can’t wait! Can you believe it’s almost Shivah Assar B’Tammuz?”

So, for a few weeks from after Shavuos until the Three Weeks begin, the next stop on the anticipation train is somehow not as exciting. Maybe even non-existent.

We are handed a stretch of ordinary time, with nothing to lean toward. (Of course, you have to get your kids off to camp and your family to the bungalow.) In the world of spiritual anticipation? That stretch is a void. A dead zone. The off-season.

But honestly, if you think any day is a dead zone, you’re dead wrong. There is no such thing.

In fact, it may be the opposite.

Of course, there is enormous beauty in anticipation. Waiting for a day greater than today. Anticipation is one of the great engines of Yiddishkeit. It is how we stay awake. A Yom Tov you saw coming for forty-nine days lands very differently than one that ambushes you. Like Elul before the Yomim Noraim, like Sefirah before Shavuos, even like the Three Weeks before Tisha B’Av, a countdown is a chesed. It works. No one likes to get ambushed by Yom Tov. But anticipation has a quiet cost, and the cost is this: A person who is always getting ready for the next thing is, by definition, never fully in the thing he is in. We become so practiced at leaning forward that we forget the chair has a seat. We anticipate so beautifully that we never quite arrive.

And the back half of Sivan, precisely because it sells nothing and advertises nothing and asks us to count down to nothing, turns out to be the one season the calendar hands us for just living in the day.

These are the weeks for the avodah that has no marketing department. Being present at your own supper table. Actually hearing the answer when you ask a child how his day was. Noticing the people you usually speed past on the way to the next preparation. The plain, un-themed, deeply unglamorous work of being a mentch in ordinary time — the work that no shiur reminds you to do because there is no Yom Tov attached to it.

And here is the thought I cannot let go of.

The Three Weeks mourn a Bais Hamikdosh that was lost, the meforshim tell us, over exactly this — over sinas chinom, over people who looked past one another. Over a nation that, you might say, was very good at the vertical, looking heavenward, but was unfortunately too careless looking horizontally.

So imagine. Imagine a community that took these unmarketed weeks of late Sivan and actually used them. That treated ordinary time as the avodah it is. That time is now.

Maybe it’s not about looking toward loftiness, but rather earthliness. Maybe just being a little kinder to the person in front of you for no reason printed on any calendar. And even in the loftiness area, we can live for the moment. We can live for Tosafos’ kasha, and take it more seriously without the anticipation of the massive celebrations that will soon ensue.

Who knows? Maybe if we truly lived these next weeks for the very moments that they give us, we wouldn’t have the Three Weeks to mourn. And the only thing left on the entire calendar to anticipate, the only countdown left to run, would be the actual rebuilding of the Bais Hamikdosh itself.

That, it turns out, is the one anticipation that was always worth the wait.

Because there is no pre-season and there is really no off-season. There is only the moment we are in. And we better be in it.

Just Saying.

Lab-Leak Evidence Allegedly Scrubbed from CIA Reports

A Senate Homeland Security Committee last week heard explosive allegations from a CIA whistleblower that former NIAID director Dr. Anthony Fauci orchestrated a wide-ranging cover-up of Covid-19 origins, in collaboration with various federal intelligence agencies.

CIA Officer James Erdman said Fauci improperly “influenced” a probe into the origins of the Covid-19 pandemic — inserting himself into high-level scientific debate to downplay findings that the pandemic most likely resulted from a laboratory accident in China.

Erdman came forward “at great personal risk” because “the truth was being buried,” Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., said last Wednesday, describing the whistleblower as “an officer with decades of intelligence and national security experience.”

Erdman and an elite team from the Department of National Intelligence spent a year tracing how the intelligence community (IC) had arrived at their conclusions of “a natural cause” –the belief that the virus evolved by itself. These findings, Erdman told the Senate panel, ran counter to the actual conclusions reached by objective experts.

“According to Officer Erdman’s testimony, CIA analysts concluded multiple times between 2021 and 2023 that a lab leak was the most likely origin of Covid-19,” Sen. Paul said in his opening statement. “Yet those conclusions never shaped the official narrative; they never made it into the intelligence report. Congress was never told.”

“It was not until after the 2024 election that the outgoing Biden administration produced an assessment on the origins of the pandemic. Not because of new intelligence, but so officials could walk out the door claiming there was nothing left to find,” the senator said.

For this assessment, “the CIA released a skimpy 9-page, partially redacted summary of already released intelligence,” Erdman told the Senate Homeland Security Committee.

“That is not analysis. That is a cleanup operation,” said Sen. Paul in his statement.

The Secret Teleconference

Erdman testified that Fauci seized two critical moments– once on Feb. 3, 2020, and again on June 4, 2021—to promote the natural origins theory about the pandemic’s outbreak.

“Dr. Fauci’s role in the cover-up was intentional,” Erdman testified, saying the then-director of NIAID meddled in Covid-origins analyses by providing a list of “approved experts and scientists” to the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC). Not surprisingly, that list included several scientists who had joined a secret February 2020 teleconference with Fauci that ultimately produced an authoritative scientific paper, Proximal Origins of SAR COV-2.

This document, which carried enormous weight in the scientific community, promoted the view that the virus evolved naturally, while discrediting the notion that it had been created in a lab. It was treated by the establishment and the media as an undisputed article of faith not to be questioned.

A host of FOIA-released emails documenting conversations between Fauci and others, however, told a different story.

The emails recorded the prior concerns of some of the scientists on the teleconference that the virus showed signs of having been manipulated by human hands. These concerns had apparently been suppressed as they were at odds with the views later expressed in Proximal Origins of SAR COV-2.

A June 2021 Yated article, Fauci Emails Boost Suspicions of Wuhan Lab Leak, detailed the bizarre sequence in which prominent scientists initially wrote emails suggesting the pandemic likely stemmed from a lab accident involving a manipulated virus, only to reverse themselves days later and publicly embrace the claim that the virus originated in nature.

“From the declassified emails, it appears this switch was spearheaded by Fauci himself but also involved his boss, former NIH Director Dr. Francis Collins, as well as Jeremy Farrar, the head of the British Wellcome Trust,” the article said.

In addition, the article noted that at least three of the experts on the teleconference subsequently received generous NIAID research grants awarded by Director Fauci.

“Some of the scientists were part of the Biological Sciences Experts Group (BSEG), an advisory body whose members often receive considerable funding from NIAID and public health agencies,” Erdman confirmed last week.

With the media protecting the Biden administration elites, the story of subterfuge and cover-up had no traction back in 2021. Today, five years later, these revelations, coming at the same time as major shakeups at NIH, are dominating headlines. [See Sidebar]

Fauci’s Cronies Helped Him Redefine Gain-of-Function

Strikingly, several scientist allies allegedly helped Fauci rewrite the definition of gain-of-function in 2015, in an effort to lift a funding pause on dangerous experiments, Erdman told the Senate panel.

Gain-of-function is an innocent-sounding laboratory process that genetically manipulates a virus, and can increase its transmissibility and toxicity. The professed aim of such dangerous work is to develop vaccines to combat these viruses should they ever spontaneously “appear” and threaten humanity.

The key flaw in this argument, critics say, is obvious: creating pathogens that don’t exist in nature risks unleashing them and causing a pandemic. In addition, decades of virus-manipulation have been fruitless, as no human vaccine has ever been developed in advance of a human epidemic.

The technique is risky because it can be used to alter a virus into a bioweapon. It is also illegal in this country.

The Fauci-revised definition said gain-of-function applied to scientific experimentation that the scientist knew with reasonable certainty, in advance, would produce a more infectious and harmful mutation.

According to this tortured logic, even when viruses in fact become more dangerous after the experiment succeeds, as long as the outcome was not fully predicted, the process can’t be defined as gain-of-function.

This ludicrous re-definition enabled Fauci to insist with a straight face, under Congressional questioning, that he had never funded gain-of-function research. After all, he couldn’t possibly know in advance—with absolute certainty—what the experiments would produce, could he?

As reported in a July 2022 Yated article, Fauci responded with outrage when accused of lying to Congress about his role in the forbidden research.

Sen. Paul: Dr. Fauci, knowing that it is a crime to lie to Congress, do you wish to retract your statement of May 11, where you claimed that the NIH never funded gain-of-function research in Wuhan?
Dr. Fauci: Senator Paul, I have never lied before Congress and I do not retract that statement! The paper that you were referring to was judged by qualified staff up and down the chain as not being gain-of-function.
Sen. Paul: You take an animal virus and you increase its transmissibility to humans. You’re saying that’s not gain-of-function?
Dr. Fauci: Yeah, that is correct and Senator Paul, you do not know what you are talking about!

Pressure from critics and activists in the Obama administration brought about a temporary pause on funding gain-of-function research, especially when it involved potential pathogens of a deadly nature.

“But five months before the moratorium was announced, EcoHealth, under Fauci chum Peter Daszak, secured a NIAID grant of roughly $3.7 million under the wire,” according to a Nov 2024 Yated article headlined, “Revelations From the Great Covid Cover-up.”

Daszak, with Fauci’s approval, allocated the money to various labs engaged in collecting bat samples and performing gain-of-function experiments, including China’s Wuhan Institute of Virology.

Exposed As a Fraud

Fauci’s testimony denying his role in funding gain-of-function subsequently collapsed under the weight of government documents, congressional testimony, and eventual admissions from NIH leadership itself.

Eventually, it was confirmed that U.S. taxpayer dollars flowed through EcoHealth Alliance into Wuhan, where coronavirus gain-of-function experiments took place. With few exceptions, these shocking revelations were ignored or downplayed by the media, keeping Americans in the dark about the life and death gambles playing out under the rubric of science.

Back in October 2021, Yated reported that government documents implicating the NIH in the funding of “gain-of-function” experiments at Wuhan had surfaced, forcing NIH director Francis Collins to abruptly announce his resignation.

“Records obtained by a FOIA request from the group DRASTIC, a team of scientists investigating the origins of Covid-19, exposed both Collins’ and Fauci’s pronouncements as false,” the article said.

“Among the documents are records of NIH grants for gain-of-function research in Wuhan, as well as progress reports that outlined the exact experiments carried out with the help of the grants,” the article noted.

Echoes of the Deep State

In his testimony to the Senate Committee, Erdman accused the Intelligence Community (CIA) of withholding as many as 2,000 pages of classified material on Covid origins — in violation of a 2023 law signed by former President Biden ordering disclosures to the American public.

When asked whether intelligence officials were deliberately trying to protect China, Erdman testified that motivations were difficult to determine. But he described a culture inside parts of the intelligence community that was deeply resistant to favoring a laboratory origin. [See Sidebar]

“Nobody wanted the lab leak conclusion,” Erdman said, speculating that this attitude was apparently driven by the fear of gain-of-function research being linked to the pandemic.

In 2022 and 2023, the CIA conducted a Covid revisit, and “retaliated against analysts supporting the lab-leak hypothesis,” Erdman says. They allegedly took action particularly against those who refused to agree with “management’s middle-of-the-night anonymous rewrite of the analysis.

The revised version “changed the assessment that had pointed to a lab accident to a conclusion of ‘we can’t be sure,’” Erdman testified.

He went on to catalogue other instances in which the CIA sabotaged orders from Congress, covertly following its own agenda in line with the nature of a “deep state.”

“In 2023, Congress unanimously passed legislation requiring the Office of National Intelligence to release the intelligence community’s findings on the origins of Covid. In response to that law, the Biden administration released a pathetic 9-page summary of already known intelligence,” Erdman told the Senate Homeland Security Committee.

“The deep state still resists the congressional mandate” to release documents on Covid’s origins, said Sen. Rand Paul at last week’s hearing.

Erdman said in his testimony that under its new director, National Intelligence is in the process of declassifying some 2,000 documents related to Covid’s origins. That work has been slowed, he said, by the CIA and State Department refusing to turn over requested documents.

Running Down the Clock on Accountability

Following Erdman’s testimony, several GOP lawmakers called for Fauci to face criminal prosecution for allegedly seeking to suppress the origins of Covid-19.

“We just heard testimony that Fauci intervened behind the scenes to try and get our own intelligence agencies–CIA, FBI—to change their assessment of the lab leak,” Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., told Fox News. “Why? Because he helped fund the Wuhan lab. He supported and funded gain-of-function research, and then he tried to cover it up, and then he worked to cover it up from the American people.”

“I hope he’s indicted,” Hawley added.

The hearing last Wednesday came after a statute of limitations deadline for Fauci to face criminal charges regarding false testimony passed earlier this week. In addition, the former NIAID director was given a presidential pre-emptive pardon by former President Biden in his final hours in office.

President Trump has said the ‘autopen’ pardons issued by the Biden administration are not legally binding but has so far not challenged them in court.

“Whether the DOJ decides to charge Fauci or not, I’m not letting up,” Sen. Paul wrote on social media Monday.

“Never has one arrogant bureaucrat destroyed more people’s lives,” Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas posted online.

“Never in the history of the public-health profession has anyone been so richly rewarded for doing so much harm to the public’s health,” a NY Post editorial asserted. “In addition to funding dangerous research in the Chinese lab that may have created the coronavirus — he promoted a series of harmful policies in America and throughout the world, including suppression of early treatment and the catastrophe of universal vaccine mandates, that did even more damage than the virus.

***

A Reckoning (of Sorts)

A moment of reckoning quietly appeared last week in Nature— the prestigious British science journal (that spent four years insisting the lab leak theory was a dangerous conspiracy). “NIH Ousts Infectious-disease Leaders as Covid Scientists face U.S. charges,” the headline read.

In what appears to be a top-to-bottom removal of key individuals who ran NIAID, three more senior officials at the department were fired last week, including acting director Jeffrey Taubenberger.

This brings to eight the number of top officials fired or pressured to resign from the federal agency once led by Anthony Fauci during his nearly five-decade tenure.

Fauci is long gone. Now, most of his allies who carried out his agenda are on their way out.  According to the Nature article, some of these individuals, besides losing their jobs, are facing criminal prosecutions as well.

Fauci might have gotten an Autopen pardon. But his cronies and underlings did not.

Already in April, the DOJ criminally indicted David Morens, a ‘senior adviser’ to Fauci from 2006 through 2022. He was charged with conspiracy against the United States, destruction and falsification of federal records— all connected to a scheme which he boasted to his colleagues would block his email communications about Wuhan research grants from FOIA requests.

In a striking admission that constitutes the indictment’s “Exhibit A,” Morens said he had learned the tactic of how to fool the government from the in-house FOIA officer.

“I learned from our FOIA lady here how to make emails disappear after I am FOIA’d but before the search starts, so I think we are all safe,” he wrote.

In another incriminating email, after EcoHealth won a new $7.5 million grant from NIAID, Morens who worked for NIAID director Fauci and apparently thought he deserved a cut, wrote to EcoHealth CEO Peter Daszak: “Ahem…. So much money!! Do I get a kickback????”

In yet another damning email cited in the indictment, Morens wrote, “We all agree that we want to keep off any fingerprints including from North Carolina Scientist 1. I need to keep all this off of gov’t email and gov’t phone text.”

Can it possibly get any more ironic? Morens, a top NIH scientist, sent this incriminating reminder to his colleagues about not leaving signs of culpability on government email or government phone texts—in a government email, from his government phone.

The culture at NIH was apparently so corrupt that a senior federal official was brazen enough to write emails soliciting a kickback, reminding his colleagues to hide their actions from government eyes, and confirming the agency’s FOIA official had taught the scientists how to destroy government records.

Informed sources say the Morens emails will inevitably drag other Fauci cronies down with him; it is just a matter of time.

***

Scandal’s Trail Leads Back to 2002

“Fauci’s involvement in gain-of-function goes way back to 2002 when coronaviruses were originally not transmissible to human beings,” investigative reporter Laura Logan elaborated in a Fox News appearance. “Americans need to understand Dr. Fauci was funding gain-of-function long before he farmed it out to China. It was being carried out at the University of North Carolina’s Chapel Hill. But it was deemed too dangerous so Congress banned it and Fauci pushed it abroad to China.”

Support for Logan’s perspective comes from a Vanity Fair investigation based on “interviews with more than 40 people, and a review of hundreds of pages of U.S. government documents,” the magazine said.

It found that “conflicts of interest, stemming in part from large government grants supporting controversial virology research, hampered the U.S. investigation into Covid-19’s origin at every step.”

In one State Department meeting, the magazine editors said, officials seeking to demand transparency from the Chinese government say they were explicitly told by colleagues not to explore the Wuhan Institute of Virology’s gain-of-function research, because it would bring unwelcome attention to U.S. government funding of it.

In an internal memo obtained by Vanity Fair, Thomas DiNanno, former acting assistant secretary of the State Department’s Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance, wrote that staff from two bureaus, his own and the Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation, “warned” leaders within his bureau “not to pursue an investigation into the origin of Covid-19.”

Why not? Because, he was told, it would “open a can of worms if it continued.”

Those comments about avoiding any real investigation into China’s role—for fear of exposing U.S.-funded gain-of-function research—suggest that even now, with all the revelations that have surfaced, the public has seen only a fraction of the full story.

What has emerged so far appears to be merely the tip of a far larger and darker iceberg.

One Hundred Thousand Jews Visit the Kosel

This past weekend was a time of great emotion here in Israel. In America, you are accustomed to celebrating a Yom Tov for two days, but in Eretz Yisroel it is a fairly uncommon phenomenon. This past Thursday was erev Yom Tov; on Friday, we celebrated the Yom Tov of Mattan Torah, and then we went directly into Shabbos, which was delightful. I can personally attest to the experience in my neighborhood of Givat Shaul: All the shuls that I saw were packed with men and boys learning Torah until sunrise, as were the yeshivos in the neighborhood—and there are quite a few yeshivos in Givat Shaul. Of course, one of the most major focal points in Yerushalayim was the Kosel Hamaaravi. I did not personally walk to the Kosel, but the local residents who did make the trek were deeply moved when they returned. Tens of thousands of people made their way to the Kosel on Shavuos. Many of them walked from more distant areas of the city, while others managed to spend the Yom Tov in apartments in the Old City or in nearby hotels, including thousands of American visitors. Various tents were set up for the benefit of visitors to the Kosel, some state-sponsored (there were four tents in different neighborhoods sponsored by the Ministry of Yerushalayim Affairs) and others organized by chessed organizations and private individuals.

I asked the people at the Western Wall Heritage Foundation for some statistics concerning this Yom Tov at the Kosel. To their credit, this organization likewise arranges for visitors to the Kosel to be able to make Kiddush after davening and have something to eat (for Kiddush b’makom seudah). They shared the following information: Over 100,000 people visited the Kosel over Yom Tov and the Shabbos that followed it. The number of visitors peaked on the morning of Yom Tov, when a crowd of over 20,000 people gathered for vosikin, filling the plaza. After davening, a major Kiddush was held, with tens of thousands of individual Kiddush kits distributed to the mispallelim. Throughout the night of Yom Tov, thousands of people flocked to the Kosel plaza and the adjacent shuls to learn Torah and recite the Tikkun Leil Shavuos and Tehillim. The flow of mispallelim continued throughout Shabbos, with tens of thousands of people present for the tefillos of Friday night and Shabbos morning and for the Kiddush held after davening.

To this overview of the Yom Tov, I would like to add that many yeshivos traditionally visit the Kosel on the night after Shavuos together with their roshei yeshiva, and many chassidish communities visit the Kosel along with their rebbes. The annual visits were held on motzoei Shabbos and included thousands of participants.

A Lesson from the Chazon Ish

Before we move on to more mundane matters, I must quote a comment of Rav Gershon Edelstein, whose yahrtzeit falls this week. Anyone who reads Rav Gershon’s shmuessen and drashos will note that he often quotes the Mishnah in Pirkei Avos (6:4), “This is the path of Torah: Eat bread with salt, drink water in small measure, sleep on the ground, and lead a life of hardship while you toil over the Torah. If you do that, you will be happy and it will be good for you: You will be happy in this world, and it will be good for you in the World to Come.” Rav Gershon often pointed out that while it may be understandable to expect pleasure in the World to Come as a result of such a lifestyle, it seems highly incongruous for the Mishnah to suggest that such a person will be happy in this world as well. How can a person be happy while experiencing such privation? But Rav Gershon always responded to his own question, “Yet that is indeed the case. A person who learns Torah in poverty is the happiest person in this world.”

I was often puzzled by Rav Gershon’s statement, which seemed to imply that it is preferable to learn Torah in poverty. However, the Bartenura states in his commentary on the Mishnah, “This doesn’t mean that a wealthy person should lead a life of suffering to learn Torah. Rather, it means that even if a person has nothing but bread with salt to eat … and he has no pillows or mattresses and can sleep only on the ground, he should not refrain from learning Torah.”

One year, in a shmuess in advance of Shavuos, Rav Gershon discussed Chazal’s statement, “Anyone who engages in learning Torah lishmah will merit many things. Not only that, but the entire world was worth being created for him.” Rav Gershon first discussed the concept of lishmah, quoting a Gemara in Nedarim to elucidate the meaning of the term. Next, he questioned whether the Mishnah’s statement that such a person “will merit many things” refers to the long list of qualities that follows it or it should be read as a separate statement, implying that a person is rewarded with “many things” for learning Torah lishmah, in addition to the many qualities the Mishnah goes on to list: “He is called a friend and beloved, he loves Hashem, he loves people….” Regarding this statement, Rav Gershon said, “The Chazon Ish once told me that Hashem loves those who learn Torah in poverty. If a person learns Torah in poverty, he is beloved to Hashem. When young kollel yungeleit with families learn Torah, how much material wealth do they have? They learn Torah amid privation, which is a tremendous source of merit.”

The Ohr Hachaim echoes this idea in his commentary on Parshas Naso, explaining that the name of Nesanel ben Tzuar alludes to the fact that the Torah is acquired through suffering. (The name “Tzuar” is derived from the same root as the word tzaar, the term for distress or suffering.)

One of the qualities that the Mishnah attributes to a person who learns Torah lishmah is the tendency to forgive those who insult him. Rav Gershon’s son-in-law, Rav Avrohom Yeshayahu Adler, once related on that note, “I don’t know if this was a sign of forgiveness or if my father-in-law, with his good heart, did not even feel insulted at all, but there is a famous story about a particular bochur who caused him great distress and later became engaged to a girl from a family whose members were not aware of that detail of his past. When the kallah’s father discovered that his future son-in-law had antagonized Rav Gershon Edelstein, he asked Rav Nissim Karelitz if he should proceed with the shidduch or call it off. Rav Nissim replied that he was not able to answer that question and that it should be posed to the rosh yeshiva himself. When they approached the rosh yeshiva, he replied immediately, ‘It was nothing; it was merely the act of a child, and there is no need to take it into account.’ In fact, he even personally attended the engagement celebration to make it clear that there were no hard feelings on his part.”

Now that we have covered some spiritually uplifting topics, it is time to move on to more mundane matters. As usual, I have many things to report to you. The Hezbollah drones are continuing to cause fatalities among IDF soldiers in the north, and the dollar is continuing its precipitous decline in relation to the shekel. Above all, we are all waiting for the next development in the conflict with Iran as we tensely monitor every word, every move, and even every sneeze from President Trump. The big question now is whether we are about to begin another period of running to bomb shelters (at least, for those who have shelters in which to take refuge) or we are about to witness the signing of an agreement with Iran—and whether that agreement will be good or bad for the Jews. But as always, I will have to forgo some of the items that I would like to include in this column for the sake of staying within my allotted space.

Knesset Approves Bill to Dissolve Coalition

It might seem as if I am repeating myself, but that is not the case. Last Wednesday, the Knesset put aside almost all of its business for the day—and the original agenda contained over 50 bills for discussion—leaving only four or five urgent matters and the 11 bills to dissolve the Knesset. Every party or even half a party introduced its respective bill in turn. What, you may ask, was the point of submitting 11 different bills for the same purpose? The answer is that the various parties were vying for bragging rights; every party wanted to claim that it was the one responsible for bringing down the Knesset. What actually happened is that only the coalition’s proposal was approved, by a huge majority of 110 votes, and the remaining bills were removed from the agenda by a majority vote of the coalition. The bill sponsored by the leaders of all the coalition parties, from the Likud and Religious Zionism through UTJ and Shas, has now been transferred to a committee for further discussion, and the coalition will be able to control the timing of its progress.

Ofir Katz, the coalition whip, delivered the address explaining the bill and ridiculed the opposition in the process. He pointed out that the Knesset isn’t actually dissolving far ahead of schedule. Even without the law being passed, the 25th Knesset was always scheduled to end its term at the beginning of the month of Cheshvan. And even if the law is passed, there is a minimum ninety-day waiting period before the next election, which means that the election cannot be held before Elul. Therefore, dissolving the Knesset now will mean only that the election will be moved up by about a month. In effect, that means that the 25th Knesset has survived its term, and there can be no greater shame to the opposition—or to any opposition, for that matter. Hence, Ofir Katz mocked Lapid and his colleagues.

“This morning, I saw that the opposition was planning major events and press conferences to celebrate the law to dissolve the Knesset, organized by Yair Golan and with Gadi Eizenkot and the entire opposition promising to attend,” Katz said sharply. “They are holding a press conference over a law dissolving the Knesset, when we are discussing a difference of only a month or so. They make it sound as if they achieved some great accomplishment by triggering the Knesset’s dissolution. But I really haven’t managed to understand why they are celebrating. I think that no one has notified the opposition that this coalition lived out its days. Someone ought to tell them that we aren’t just at the end of the first year of the term; we have been in the Knesset for a full term. They make it sound as if they have some connection to dissolving the Knesset. The chairman of the opposition has been releasing notices and posting that they prevented things, they blocked things, and they managed to avoid certain laws. Yair Lapid either lives in a parallel universe or has been creating his own imagined reality. Otherwise, it is impossible to understand the gap between what he has written and the reality on the ground, in which there is actually no connection between the opposition and what is happening today. Yair Lapid should be reminded that they are the only opposition in history that caused the coalition to expand from 64 seats to 68 members. No other opposition ever accomplished that. We passed nine budgets and 520 laws in this term. If there are laws that we did not pass, it was on account of differences of opinion within the coalition. We did it smoothly, without any interference from you. And the truth is that for the past four years, we have faced no real hurdles at all. It was like kicking a ball into an unmanned goal.”

The events of the rest of that day demonstrated that he was absolutely correct. The opposition’s motions to dissolve the Knesset were removed from the agenda, each by a margin of ten votes or more. The coalition certainly proved its supremacy in the Knesset.

Chareidim to Netanyahu: “We Are Not Interested in the Draft Law”

What actually prompted the dissolution of the Knesset was the issue of the draft law. The chareidi parties informed the government and the coalition that it is impossible to continue in the present fashion, and if the government falls, it will not be their problem. Rav Dov Landau declared unequivocally that the chareidim no longer have faith in the current bloc. And while it’s possible that the same bloc will return to power after the election, the current situation, in which yeshiva bochurim are consistently being arrested and persecuted, is no longer tolerable.

As a result, the coalition decided to dissolve the Knesset while maintaining control over the timetable and the election date. Meanwhile, the prime minister is still attempting to pass the draft law. This, of course, leads us to the question of whether this is a political move: Does Netanyahu consider it politically unwise to attempt to run for reelection after passing a law exempting chareidim for army service? Would the move work against him when the country goes to the polls? And is he therefore dragging his feet on passing the law? Many believe that this is precisely the calculation he has been making, and that he would prefer to delay the draft law until after the election. Personally, however, I disagree with this hypothesis. On the contrary, I believe that Netanyahu would prefer showing up at the election with the draft law behind him. Of course, some elements in the country will be irked by the law, but once it is passed, it won’t be the main issue of the election. On the other hand, if the law hasn’t passed yet, then all the anti-religious elements will frame the election as a battle over the draft law, and Netanyahu could easily lose much more as a result. Some voters might cross the lines and vote for the opposition to prevent the draft law from passing after the election, and their votes might alter the balance of power between the blocs. Therefore, in my opinion, Netanyahu should be interested in passing the law now, before the country goes to the polls. In addition, he will appear more trustworthy if he has the law passed now; since he made a promise to pass it, he must show the country that he is keeping his promise as well. For now, the chairman of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, Boaz Bismut, is working hard to advance the bill as quickly as possible.

I mentioned that Netanyahu should be concerned about the balance of power between the blocs; I should note that that is exactly the issue on which this election hinges. There is the right-wing bloc and the bloc of change, which consists of Netanyahu’s opponents. The battle for power in the Knesset will be fought between these two camps. Most of the polls indicate that the election will end in an impasse, but most experts claim that the polls are bogus (similar to what America experienced when Trump ran for the presidency against Harris) since Israel has a distinct right-wing majority. Any stalemate between the right and the left will never accurately represent the ideological divisions in the country, since the left can rival the right’s power only when it is propped up by the Arab parties. And the Arabs have never been a factor in any calculations of what is good for the country. Therefore, the polls are doing a disservice to Israeli society by framing the election as a close competition. Furthermore, the imbalance between the right and the left becomes even wider when we take into account that both Bennett and Lieberman, who have aligned themselves with the anti-Netanyahu camp, consider themselves right-wing. Lieberman, in fact, has always been on the extreme right. Therefore, everyone would agree that there is a strong right-wing majority in Israel today, and if the right does not control the government, then the will of the people has truly been distorted.

In any event, as in previous weeks, we are once again discussing the election on the horizon and the draft law that still seems to be on the table. As soon as the draft law passes, everything will change: The lost government funding will be restored, the detained bochurim will be released, and the country’s yungeleit and yeshiva bochurim will be freed from the stranglehold that is currently constricting them. The passage of a law could easily give us breathing space for a year or more, since no one will expect the Knesset to change the law during an election period, and then it will take time for a new government to be formed. Perhaps, in the event that the draft law is passed during this Knesset, there will even be a miracle, and the Supreme Court will not strike it down. These might be good reasons to push the law through the Knesset at this time; however, the chareidim notified Netanyahu this week that they have no interest in his draft law, and the election is therefore being moved up from Cheshvan to Tishrei.

Arrests of _B_nei Torah Can Have Life–Threatening Consequences 

The attorney general, as you are likely aware, has constantly been calling for an increase in arrests of yeshiva bochurim, acting on the orders of the justices of the Supreme Court. At first, yeshiva students who did not report for the draft faced arrest only at the airport, but the attorney general demanded arrests in their homes as well. And while the arrests were concentrated at first on the periphery of the country, Baharav-Miara insisted that the phenomenon must expand to include chareidi population centers in Bnei Brak and Yerushalayim as well. She even called for arrests to be carried out in yeshivos, which has indeed begun happening in recent times. In addition, she has demanded that the civilian police collaborate with the military police; however, she wasn’t especially successful in achieving that. For a while, the police claimed that they lack the manpower to take part in arrests of draft evaders and that it isn’t within the realm of their responsibility. They also argued that they have their hands full simply dealing with massive protests on the streets (both the Kaplan protests and chareidi demonstrations).

Last week, however, Police Commissioner Dani Levi announced at a meeting of the senior police command staff that he was issuing new instructions for the police to comply with the attorney general’s demands. “When a police officer happens to encounter a draft dodger,” he said, “the officer must detain him, report to the military police, and wait with the detainee until their representative arrives. A representative of the military police is required to report to the scene within half an hour of receiving the call. If the representative does not show up within this time, the detainee will be released and will be given a summons to the military police.” This marked a dramatic about-face: Until last week, the police commissioner took the position that chareidi draft dodgers who happened to be apprehended for other reasons were to be released immediately. The police would simply give a chareidi youth a summons to appear at the military police headquarters, and he would be free to go on his way.

Now, there is no question that the police commissioner was under pressure from the attorney general, but that didn’t prevent the chareidi parties from being outraged over his decision. The chareidim accused the police of channeling their resources in the wrong direction: “At a time when crime and violence are on the rise and murderers are roaming the streets freely, the police, instead of dealing with the country’s security, have decided to divert resources to persecute our precious bnei Torah as if they were the lowliest criminals.” The Shas party issued a statement addressed directly to the commissioner: “It is a shame and a disgrace that this is happening in the state of the Jews. Mr. Commissioner, do not fall into the political trap being laid by the attorney general and her team, whose entire goal is to bring down the government. Do not raise your hand against the bnei yeshivos and Torah learners!” MK Moshe Gafni added, “The attorney general has brought Israeli society to the deepest abyss, and the police commissioner will now be compelled to fight against lomdei Torah. This will not be a source of honor for him.”

Let me add two more points. First, on Shavuos and the accompanying Shabbos, ten bnei Torah were languishing in military prison. Our society will never grow inured to such a painful phenomenon. Second, this situation has the potential to lead to life-threatening danger. A chareidi man who is involved in a traffic incident or who is harmed or assaulted by a criminal will be afraid to call the police, since he might find himself facing arrest for draft evasion instead of being aided by law enforcement. The situation is both maddening and absurd.

Is the Election for State Comptroller a Political Maneuver?

This Tuesday, an election will be held for the position of state comptroller. The comptroller, who regularly releases reports criticizing various bodies, has a position whose importance must not be overplayed but should not be understated either. The state comptroller has a certain degree of influence and can certainly become a nuisance to any government. In extreme situations, the comptroller even has the authority to relay his findings to the police and to call for a criminal investigation. One thing is clear: Whenever a state comptroller is chosen, it is a serious test of the power of the government and coalition. This time, it is also a personal test for Prime Minister Netanyahu, who picked the coalition’s candidate on his own. The election is held in secrecy, similar to a presidential election, which means that there can always be surprises; there is nothing to prevent the participants from lying about their choices and defecting to the opposite side of the aisle.

The deadline to submit candidacies was last Wednesday, and there are two candidates in this election. One is retired Supreme Court justice Yosef Elron, and the other is Michael Rabello, a personal attorney of Prime Minister Netanyahu who represented him on several occasions, including quite recently, in the Supreme Court case against the appointment of David Zini as head of the Shin Bet. Rabello also represented Netanyahu in the debate over establishing a state commission of inquiry into the events of October 7. A nominee for the position of comptroller must receive the signatures of ten members of the Knesset in order to participate in the election; both Elron and Rabello were easily able to collect those signatures. Elron had his position on the court and the support of the opposition to back up his candidacy, while Rabello was supported by the members of the Likud and the chareidi members of the Knesset. He wears a yarmulke and is a highly desirable candidate from a chareidi standpoint. Benny Gantz immediately announced his support for Elron, calling on all the members of the Knesset to vote for Elron, whom he hailed as “the most fitting candidate and the one accepted by all parts of this institution.” Judge Elron, Gantz added, has all the talents and abilities necessary for a state comptroller; his legal, professional, and personal backgrounds create a “strong foundation that will enable him to perform the job with dedication, integrity, and autonomy.”

Parenthetically, there was a third individual who was planning to vie for the position: Professor Daniel Herskowitz, who serves as Israel’s civil services commissioner today and likewise wears a yarmulke. Herskowitz began collecting signatures and recruited two or three supporters within the chareidi parties, but when he failed to reach the threshold of ten signatures, he dropped out of the race.

At this point, the election for state comptroller has become a battle between the coalition and opposition and a personal matter for Prime Minister Netanyahu. But if you ask me, I wouldn’t be surprised if this situation was another of Netanyahu’s clever ploys. The coalition originally supported Elron, who was considered a highly conservative judge (Elron dared to run for the position of chief justice of the Supreme Court against Yitzchok Amit, who was considered entitled to the appointment due to his seniority on the court) and was therefore embraced by the right. However, Netanyahu may have feared that Elron would lose to a candidate favored by the opposition, and therefore decided to nominate Rabello as well. As soon as Netanyahu backed Rabello as his candidate of choice, the result was as predictable as it had been unthinkable before the nomination: The opposition in its entirety rallied around Elron. At this point, the Israeli left has become passionate about supporting the onetime conservative, pro-right Supreme Court justice. If a few coalition members secretly cast their ballots for Elron as well, he will win the election in a landslide.

If I am right, this maneuver would be very typical of our prime minister.

Herzog Cancels a Trip to New York

President Yitzchok Herzog was scheduled to visit New York this week as a guest of the Conservative movement, which invited him to a ceremony marking the ordination of Conservative clergymen. However, Herzog decided to cancel his trip. These are the facts, which leave us with the simple question of why he decided to change his plans. I would not be surprised if Herzog decided that it was improper for him to show support for the Conservative movement, which, like the Reform movement, has had a destructive impact on American Jewry. Some claim, however, that Herzog was also concerned about encountering some sort of trouble with American immigration officials upon entering the country. Everyone knows that a traveler arriving in the United States might be surprised by a confrontation with the immigration police, who are known to be extremely rigid. This would be a deeply embarrassing situation for Herzog, even if it entailed nothing more than a delay of an hour or two.

Now, why would Israel’s president be concerned about that scenario? Well, he knows very well that President Trump is not pleased with his reluctance to pardon Netanyahu. And Trump has the capacity to do the most unexpected things. Someone in Trump’s inner circle indirectly conveyed the message that anyone who creates political hurdles in Israel should expect to encounter bureaucratic hurdles upon arriving in America. I am sure that you, too, would not be eager to travel to the United States after receiving a veiled threat of that nature.

The official explanation from President Herzog’s office, however, was that his trip to New York was scrapped because of his overly intense travel schedule—the president has recently visited countries including Kazakhstan, Panama, and Costa Rica—and because of tensions in the Middle East. At the same time, one Israeli newspaper reported, “An official involved in planning the trip to New York believes that the cancelation was due to the president’s concern over Trump’s reaction. According to that source, officials in President Herzog’s circles were concerned about the possibility that the American president might order him to be arrested or detained, or that he would be summoned to a meeting at which he would come under heavy pressure to pardon Netanyahu. The source pointed out that Herzog’s trip to the event in New York was scheduled a year ago, and that officials in the president’s office waited for Trump’s possible visit to Israel in honor of the Yom Haatzmaut festivities in the hope that they would be able to smooth out the differences between them. According to an official involved in the particulars, it was believed in the president’s office that if Trump’s visit to Israel in honor of Yom Haatzmaut went smoothly, Herzog would be able to travel to New York. However, Trump ultimately canceled his visit to Israel, and this left the president’s office in a quandary over the scheduled trip to New York. An official involved in the planning claimed that there was a genuine concern that if Herzog traveled to the United States at this time, it would result in great embarrassment.”

An official statement from the president’s office claimed that the newspaper’s interpretation of this incident was incorrect: “This is fake news. It never happened. Anyone who publishes this theory is lying and taking the risk of facing a libel suit. When the invitation was publicized several weeks ago, it was clarified that the trip would not take place. This distorted article completely ignores the fact that the president is scheduled to visit communities in the United States in the coming months. It was simply decided that he would forgo this trip in light of his busy schedule and the tense situation in the region.”

I leave it up to you to decide whom to believe.

The Gabbai’s Solution

On Shavuos, I discovered that the gabbai of our shul, Rav Chaim Yehuda Lieder, is actually a Yaakovson. When two sifrei Torah were brought out during the minyan, I noticed that one of the seforim had been gifted by the mispalleim of the Toldos Shmuel (Tausig) shul and the Lieder family in memory of their parents, Rav Yitzchok Eizik Lieder and Rebbetzin Yocheved, the daughter of Rav Chaim Yehuda Yaakovson. (Rav Chaim Yehuda was a well-known melamed and author.) The couple lived in the Sorotzkin neighborhood of Yerushalayim and enjoyed a distinguished pedigree; the Lieders are descendants of Rav Moshe Leib Sassover, and the Yaakovsons trace their lineage back to the Vilna Gaon. Both parents passed away on the same day—the 20th of Kislev 5770—just a few hours apart. Their son, Rav Chaim Yehuda, often remarks, “Amazingly, our parents also got married on the same day.”

Our gabbai is not only witty but extremely dedicated to his job. Every day, around the clock, he makes sure that everything in the shul is properly arranged and cared for. He knows the names of the mispallelim and their parents by heart, he has committed every yahrtzeit in the shul to memory, and he functions as a leader of a kehillah in every sense. And his chessed extends not only to the living but to the deceased as well, as he is a member of the Prushim chevra kaddisha. Anyone who has attended a burial on Har Hamenuchos has seen him involved in his holy work, jumping into the open grave to help bury the deceased. He has occasionally been seen by thousands of people at funerals that were broadcast live. He was the one who took responsibility for the burial of Rav Shmuel Auerbach, as well as for the young boy Yosef Eisenthal. In short, he is a righteous and affable man, beloved to his fellow men and to Hashem. On Shabbos of erev Rosh Chodesh Sivan, he remembered to call me up for Maftir. I was supposed to lead Mussaf as well, but I motioned to him that my voice was failing and that I would forgo the privilege. He looked at me kindly and said, “Don’t make me crazy; just daven at the amud.” With the confidence that he infused in me, I decided to comply.

But my main point is about Shavuos. On Yom Tov, a debate erupted in the shul regarding whether the mispallelim should stand during the reading of the Aseres Hadibros. The shul was packed with people from numerous communities and places of origin, and the dispute rocked the entire room. Someone quoted Rav Elyashiv, who held not to stand for the Aseres Hadibros (or for the reading of Az Yoshir, for that matter), and that a person should either sit or stand throughout the leining but should not rise specifically for the Aseres Hadibros. “The ayin in the phrase achos Timna is just as holy as the aleph of anochi,” Rav Elyashiv reportedly said. To resolve the issue, Lieder suggested that anyone who wished to stand for the Aseres Hadibros should remain standing throughout Krias HaTorah, and that anyone who wished to sit for it should be seated throughout the process. However, one man decided to make a show of announcing that he planned to stand throughout the leining and then to sit for the Aseres Hadibros, simply to drive home his position. One can always find someone in any minyan who is determined to prove a point. However, in this case, he was outsmarted by the unflappable gabbai. When the time came for the fourth aliyah, the gabbai called up that particular congregant, thus forcing him to stand for the Aseres Hadibros as well.

If you take a close look at any group of people, you’re likely to find different approaches to the universal task of tackling life. Each person has a specific modus operandi or mode of operation. And each of these modes, in turn, is based on a specific motivation.

Let’s take a look at three of them.

I’d like to start by introducing Mr. Principled. Now, we all like to think of ourselves as principled people. We take pride in possessing a solid set of values by which we do our best to conduct our lives. But Mr. Principled goes far beyond that.

What I’m talking about is not only someone whose life is guided by the Torah or, l’havdil, by the rules and regulations of secular law. Beyond the rules that guide society, Mr. Principled has a very decided set of personal guidelines that govern every aspect of his life and relationships. And he’s not afraid to make the tough decisions that are sometimes needed to implement them.

If Mr. Principled is a father, his child-rearing technique will adhere firmly to his chosen set of values. He’s the kind of parent who, after warning his mischievous son that the next infraction will mean losing that night’s Chanukah gifts… will actually go ahead and carry out the threat. Finding his warning ignored and the misbehavior repeated, he will stand by his word and withhold the gifts he so lovingly chose for his child.

Though the decision may cause him even more pain than it causes his son, he believes in Sticking to his Guns. In Seeing Things Through. In doing what’s best for his child in the long run, even if it makes him unpopular in the short term. And, difficult as it may be at times, that’s what he does.

Miss Principled is the kind of teacher whom students know not to cross. However charming and interesting she may be in the classroom, her rules are not made for bending. Any pupil who tests this truth will soon learn her lesson, the hard way.

What motivates Principled People is a clear sense of right and wrong, and a driving desire to impose that clarity on their world.

Next, let’s move on to a different sort of person. His strength lies in his ability to troubleshoot. To solve problems. To achieve his aims in the most efficient possible way. In short, to make things happen.

Mr. Practical, as we’ll call him, has the ability to think out of the box. While he may be as principled as the next guy, it’s not right and wrong per se that fuels many of his day-to-day decisions and actions, but the simple goal of getting the job done. To that end, he’s prepared to be innovative and even daring.

He’s the kind of person who’ll casually stroll into the office of some prestigious hospital doctor without an appointment or a by-your-leave, to discuss his relative’s case. Before the doctor can do more than blink in surprise, Mr. Practical is asking questions and batting around possibilities. His motto might be, “Act first and apologize later.” A certain amount of chutzpah is one of the tools in his toolbox, and he has no hesitation in using it when necessary.

Mr. Practical’s world view may be as firmly grounded in principles as Mr. Principled’s. What distinguishes one from the other is Mr. Practical’s down-to-earth readiness to solve a problem or get the job done. While Mr. Principled pauses to assess the rights and wrongs of a troublesome issue, Mr. Practical is already forging ahead to find a solution.

A whole different kettle of fish than either of these two is Mrs. People Pleaser. I’ve deliberately made her persona a feminine one, since it’s known that women, by nature, are generally more eager to please than their male counterparts. Which is not to say that men don’t fall into this category as well. Both of them have an earnest desire to win other people’s approval and, by extension, their love.

Everyone wants to be liked, but Mrs. People Pleaser goes the extra mile. That’s why it can be so hard for her to be decisive. In contrast to the Principled, who are fearless in implementing what they believe to be right, and to the Practical, whose forte is efficient troubleshooting, People Pleasers find it hard to settle on a course of action unless they’re sure it won’t offend others or rob them of respect for her.

To use our example with the mischievous child whose naughty behavior lost him his Chanukah presents, Mr. Practical, while perhaps not inclined to go as far as his more principled counterpart, might applaud Mr. Principled’s action as being likely to make a lasting and hopefully beneficial impression on the misbehaving child: a practical outcome. Mrs. People Pleaser, however, would likely be horrified at the possibility of losing her child’s love through such drastic measures.

In general, choosing one thing over another is hard for her unless she has the full-hearted support of those whom she admires and respects. Her eagerness to win their approval can often be strong enough to override her own feelings. If asked to state her own opinion or preference on a subject, she may quote others’ views instead of expressing her own. She’ll go along with what others want rather than run the risk of alienating them by stating her own wishes. She wants to be absolutely sure to get it right, in order to obtain the love and acceptance she longs for.

Mrs. People Pleaser can be kind to others, but her kindness is often tinged with neediness. She craves recognition and acceptance. Unlike Mr. Principled, who acts as he sees fit regardless of others’ opinions, or Mr. Practical, who’s mostly interested in solving the problem and moving on to the next thing, Mrs. People Pleaser measures her actions by the reactions of others.

Weighing the Modes

If we weigh each of these three modes of operation, we find that all of them have their points of genuine strength and their areas of real weakness. Mr. Principled may be so blinded by the perceived correctness of his path that he fails to take into account people’s sensitivities. Others’ feelings tend to take a back seat to his own convictions. This does not always play out well on the stage of human relationships where flexibility, and not rigidity, is needed to oil the wheels.

Mr. Practical can be so focused on mustering the necessary resources to do the job at hand that he ends up viewing the people around him as just another resource. This utilitarian approach can lead him to be short-sighted about how others feel and think. The job, and not its attendant emotions, is what’s paramount for him. This can be a real detriment when it comes to really seeing people and relating to them outside the scope of their practical usefulness.

People Pleasers can be delightful to have around, since their main aim in life is to please! However, their underlying neediness can lead to hurt feelings and resentments. We all want to be loved, but that need should not be a bottomless pit.

When one’s paramount goal is to please others with the goal of winning acceptance and love, there’s little room in the picture for either principles or practicality. Decisiveness flies out the window. Also, a certain degree of sincerity is sacrificed on the altar of gaining others’ approval. You’re never really yourself if your whole focus is to be what others want you to be.

Of these three approaches to life, which mode of operation resonates most closely with you?

Two weeks ago, the resumption of joint American-Israeli air strikes against Iran appeared to be imminent until Trump stated on Monday, May 18, that the leaders of the Gulf states had asked him to postpone the attack on Iran that Trump said he had ordered for the next day. Trump said the Gulf state leaders had told him that those now running Iran, facing the threat of another devastating American-Israeli attack, had become “more reasonable” and appeared to be more willing to agree to America’s demands concerning the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and the elimination of Iran’s nuclear threat.

Since then, various rumors have been flying about what concessions each side has already agreed to, and which issues remain to be resolved by negotiations during a new 60-day ceasefire that is supposed to follow the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the U.S. and Iran, which will outline the issues to be resolved by negotiation.

So far, Iranian leaders have said that they will only begin discussions with the U.S. over the fate of its nuclear weapons program after the Memorandum of Understanding has been signed by both sides, and a new 60-day ceasefire has begun.

Meanwhile, the Strait of Hormuz blockades by both sides will end, permitting a resumption of the normal shipments of 20 percent of the world’s oil supply to end the current price spikes. At that time, Iran expects to be permitted to begin selling its oil again to its foreign customers without having to fear running afoul of U.S. economic sanctions.

Trump Repeats His Nuclear Demands From Iran

However, on Monday, in a pair of announcements, President Trump once again spelled out his core demand for Iran’s nuclear weapons capabilities to be permanently dismantled.

In a speech at the Memorial Day service at the Arlington National Cemetery, Trump promised once again that the U.S. will “never [permit Iran to] have a nuclear weapon.” He also paid tribute to the memory of the 13 American servicemen who lost their lives due to Iranian drone and missile strikes on military bases in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, and the accidental crash of an American tanker refueling plane in Iraq, during the 40-day U.S. air war on Iran called Operation Epic Fury. Trump said, “These incredible men and women gave their lives to ensure that the world’s number one state sponsor of terror will never have a nuclear weapon.”

Later that same day, Trump posted a demand on Truth Social that all of Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile must be either turned over to the United States or destroyed under the supervision of the nuclear weapons monitors of the U.N.’s International Atomic Energy Commission (IAEA).

Reportedly, the points of agreement reached so far between Trump’s negotiators and Iran have not yet been approved (at press time) by Iran’s new Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei. Getting messages to or from Khamenei is said to be very difficult because he is in hiding at an unknown location with limited access to the outside world. Communication with him reportedly takes place only through a network of couriers. The purpose of such precautions is to make it more difficult for Israel to find him and launch another decapitation attack, like the one on February 28, which wounded Mojtaba and killed his father, who had served for the previous 37 years as Iran’s Islamic Supreme Leader, as well as several other members of the Khamenei family.

Because Iranian officials authorized to work with the Trump administration are reportedly struggling to communicate with Khamenei, any agreement on the Memorandum of Understanding reached with those Iranian officials is likely to face lengthy delays before being finalized. Then again, Iran is known to drag out negotiations and has pulled this stunt previously, even when communication with its leaders wasn’t a problem.

Trump has also said that he is not in any “rush” to sign an agreement with Iran and wants both sides “to take their time and get it right.”

Israel Is Shut Out of Trump’s Current Talks With Iran

Meanwhile, Israeli Prime Minister Binyomin Netanyahu admits that he has had very little influence on Trump regarding the U.S. demands in the Pakistani-mediated negotiations with Iran that resumed after the Gulf states convinced Trump to put off the attack he had approved two weeks ago. As a result, Israel’s friends and senior officials fear that the emerging “Memorandum of Understanding,” calling for a 60-day ceasefire between the United States, Israel, and Iran, will be “a bad agreement for Israel.”

Israeli officials are especially worried that Iran could emerge from the agreement as a “nuclear threshold state,” with the knowledge, infrastructure, and more than enough near weapons-grade enriched uranium to “break out” and complete a nuclear weapon in a very short period of time, while still under the protection of a ceasefire agreement with President Trump.

That concern is due to reports that, while Iran has agreed in principle to the removal of the 970 pounds of 60% highly enriched uranium and shutting down the enrichment of uranium and other aspects of its nuclear program, the details of those arrangements won’t be negotiated until after a new 60-day ceasefire is in place. That raises the danger that Iran will return to its familiar stalling tactics, designed to keep its nuclear threat intact.

Officially announcing the end of the conflict between the U.S. and Iran without an agreement in hand to fully dismantle Iran’s enrichment facilities and remove the enriched uranium from Iranian territory could actually allow Iran to covertly restore its nuclear capabilities without fear of an attack, because Iran will then be protected from Israel by an American diplomatic umbrella.

Israeli officials are also concerned that the initial “understanding” won’t prevent Iran from using the ceasefire to rapidly rebuild its ballistic missile and drone arsenals with which it will continue to threaten Israel and the rest of the region.

Israel Worried That Iran Will Emerge Strengthened

“Iran must not emerge strengthened,” a senior IDF official said. “They must not be allowed to come out stronger.”

Iran will also undoubtedly use some of the renewed income from the lifting of sanctions to rebuild its international terror network. Israel is particularly concerned by the renewed threat from Hezbollah, which has not been disarmed and is still actively attacking IDF soldiers operating in southern Lebanon and Israeli communities along the northern border, despite the ceasefire that Trump has proclaimed in Lebanon.

That ceasefire, which Trump recently extended by 45 days, originally limited the IDF’s permission to continue attacking Hezbollah aggressively to the narrow security zone that the IDF is still trying to clear inside Lebanon’s southern border. Otherwise, Trump asked Netanyahu to limit any further IDF attacks on Hezbollah in the rest of Lebanon, especially in Beirut, to “defensive” actions only.

As a result, Hezbollah has restarted its missile and drone attacks on Israeli communities along the northern border, which had forced the residents of those communities to abandon their homes during the post-October 7 Gaza war. That is why, “the agreement [Trump is now negotiating with Iran] must not include Lebanon,” a senior Israeli official said. Otherwise, he fears that the emerging deal with Iran could amount to “buying temporary quiet at the price of a long-term threat” to Israel’s security and the stability of the region.

In response to the latest Hezbollah spurt of drone attacks on northern Israeli communities, IDF Chief of Staff General Eyal Zamir urgently requested the government’s permission over the weekend to launch air strikes on Hezbollah buildings in Beirut, and an end to the restrictions that Trump had placed on IDF operations in the rest of northern Lebanon.

The latest Hezbollah attacks also prompted two elected Israeli officials to demand that any ceasefire restrictions on the IDF’s response to those attacks be lifted immediately.

Minister Bezalel Smotrich said that “for every explosive drone [Hezbollah launches against Israeli troops], ten buildings in Beirut should be brought down.” He also announced a new 2-billion-shekel Israeli government investment in the development of new, advanced anti-drone technologies.

Netanyahu nemesis Avigdor Liberman, chairman of the Yisroel Beitenu opposition party, said that it may only be a matter of time before Hezbollah’s explosive drones reach Tel Aviv and Yerushalayim. He also urged Israel to take more decisive measures to immediately defeat and disarm Hezbollah once and for all.

Trump Has Unleashed the IDF in Lebanon

It now appears that all three of these urgent requests for an end to the IDF’s mostly passive responses to Hezbollah’s attacks were promptly fulfilled with the adoption of a much more aggressive policy towards Hezbollah that Netanyahu announced to the Israeli people in a video released Monday. In that video, the prime minister said that “in recent weeks alone, our heroic fighters have eliminated over 600 [Hezbollah] terrorists,” and has now launched a major new operation against Hezbollah, with Trump’s permission. Netanyahu added that “we are not letting up. I said to [the commanders of the IDF] press the pedal [and hit them] even harder. . .

“What this demands from us now,” Netanyahu added, “is to intensify the strikes, to intensify the force [in our attack on Hezbollah]. We will hit them with everything we have.”

In the same video, Netanyahu said, “I want to commend the residents of the north. . . for showing resilience [in the face of the renewed Hezbollah attacks]. . . a resilience that inspires all of us.”

IDF Chief of Staff General Zamir wasted no time after getting the green light from Netanyahu to start attacking Hezbollah more vigorously. He went up to the headquarters of the IDF Northern Command on Sunday to approve plans for new military operations against Hezbollah deep inside Lebanon.

Zamir then declared in public remarks that, “The IDF continues to monitor regional developments, and is prepared to immediately return to high-intensity fighting to further weaken Iran’s terrorist regime and its capabilities. We will maintain our military readiness and operational flexibility for as long as required.”

Concerning IDF operations in Lebanon, Zamir said, “We are determined to deepen the damage to Hezbollah across all of its systems. The damage we are inflicting on the terrorist organization is systematic and consistent, and we will not let up.”

Zamir’s message was echoed Monday by General Rafi Milo, the chief of the IDF’s Northern Command, who said at a military ceremony in the Golan Heights city of Katzrin that, “On the Lebanese front, the Northern Command is at war [because] harm directed at [Israeli] civilians. . . is not a reality we can accept or treat as routine. . . [and that Israel] will not tolerate [attacks] on the home front.”

A senior U.S. official told The Times of Israel on Monday that, after Hezbollah refused to respect the ceasefire in Lebanon by ending its attacks on northern Israel, Trump permited the IDF to “respond accordingly.”

The American official noted that, over the previous eight days, Hezbollah had fired over a thousand drones and over 700 rockets at Israel, in an apparent bid to derail the current series of talks in Washington between Israeli and Lebanese government officials aimed at ending the current technical state of war and negotiating a permanent peace treaty between them.

He also said that Hezbollah sees those negotiations as “an existential threat [because] a successful ceasefire led by the government of Lebanon would strip Hezbollah of their power and their narrative. . .

“Hezbollah has ignored repeated requests to stop firing at Israel, including a recent ultimatum, [and that] Israel will never be expected [by the United States] to passively absorb attacks on its forces and civilians.”

Trump Official Reminds Hezbollah That Biden Is No Longer in Charge

The senior U.S. official concluded that Hezbollah was to blame for the violence in Lebanon today, because it “broke the ceasefire on March 2 and is now intent on denying the Lebanese people a path to peace and reconstruction.”

To emphasize President Trump’s recognition of the importance of Israel’s security needs, the U.S. official also reminded Hezbollah’s Iranian-controlled leadership that it is no longer dealing with “the Biden administration.”

Over a period of 48 hours beginning Sunday, Hezbollah launched a massive series of drone attacks on civilian areas in the north, harassing Metula, Hanita, and Shomera, and IDF soldiers in the south of Lebanon. According to an interview with the Kan public radio channel on Monday, a resident of Shomera said, “The moshav is in chaos. Children are locked in the kindergarten, drones are in the air, and live fire [can be heard].” But fortunately, no Israeli military or civilian casualties were reported due to the latest salvos of attacking Hezbollah drones.

A report by Israel’s I24News channel on Monday said that the IDF was going to take action to “change the [current situation] unequivocally,” by launching a major offensive against Hezbollah across Lebanon that it is calling Operation Arrows of Fire. To prepare Israeli civilians for the expected Hezbollah response, and following a recommendation by Israel’s Home Front Command, the mayors and regional council heads in communities along the northern border with Lebanon ordered the closure of all schools in northern Israel on Tuesday and until further notice, and instructed students to start attending their daily school lessons remotely.

The Israeli Home Command also publicly recommended Monday the evacuation of residents from Beirut, which had been spared attacks by the IDF since the day after the ceasefire that Trump announced for Lebanon in April went into full effect. The French AFP news service reported that, in response to the announcement by the Home Command, civilians living in the Hezbollah stronghold in the southern suburbs of Beirut began evacuating their homes Monday night in the expectation that their neighborhood would soon be attacked by Israeli warplanes.

The Al Jazeera news service reported Monday night that Iran had warned the U.S. that any Israeli strike on Hezbollah targets in Beirut would threaten Iran’s continued participation in the Pakistani-sponsored talks to reach an agreement on the Memorandum of Understanding.

The IDF also announced late Monday that over the previous 24 hours, it had launched Operation Arrows of Fire by staging attacks on over 70 Hezbollah targets across Lebanon, including 10 strikes on Hezbollah command centers and weapons depots on the ancient coastal city of Tyre, about 50 miles south of Beirut. The IDF said that the other strikes had hit Hezbollah targets in Lebanon’s Beqaa Valley region, as well as armed Hezbollah terrorists riding motorcycles in the areas of southern Lebanon where IDF troops were operating.

U.S. Forces Have Attacked Iranian Threats in the Strait of Hormuz

In addition, on Monday, the U.S. military’s Central Command announced that its forces had carried out what it called “defensive strikes” against small Iranian boats laying mines in the Strait of Hormuz and against Iranian missile launch sites and forces it said were threatening U.S. troops. The Central Command statement added that the U.S. forces were “using restraint during the ongoing ceasefire [with Lebanon].”

Iran’s state-controlled news agencies also published unexplained reports of explosions heard during the day in the coastal city of Bandar Abbas and two other Iranian cities near the Strait of Hormuz, but the reports also said that the explosions were no cause for public alarm.

Meanwhile, President Trump has pushed back strongly at public complaints by prominent members of his Republican party, including Senators Ted Cruz of Texas and Lindsay Graham of South Carolina, due to the concessions that Trump reportedly made to Iran in an effort to close a deal that would rapidly reopen the Strait of Hormuz.

Trump’s strongest political motivation for reaching such an agreement is his desire to bring down the elevated cost of crude oil due to Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz as quickly as possible. The closure has resulted in a jump in the price of gas by more than 50% and threatens to reignite inflation. It has also undermined much of Trump’s support and popularity with the American people. Trump’s average job approval rating in national polls has fallen below 40% for the first time since he took office last year.

Senator Graham warned in a post on X that “If a deal is struck to end the Iranian conflict because it is believed that the Strait of Hormuz cannot be protected from Iranian terrorism and Iran still possesses the capability to destroy major Gulf oil infrastructure, then Iran will be perceived as [a dominant] force requiring a diplomatic solution. . .

“[That would amount to] a major shift of the balance of power in the region, and over time will be a nightmare for Israel. Also, it makes one wonder why the war [was] started to begin with.”

Senator Cruz stated that he is “deeply concerned about what we are hearing about an Iran ‘deal,’ being pushed by some voices in the administration.”

“President Trump’s decision to strike Iran was the most consequential decision of his second term. He was right to do so, and we achieved extraordinary military results — including destroying all of their missiles and drones and sinking their entire navy,” Cruz continued.

“If the result of all that is to be an Iranian regime, still run by Islamists who chant ‘death to America,’ now receiving billions of dollars, being able to enrich uranium and develop nuclear weapons, and having effective control over the Strait of Hormuz, then that outcome would be a disastrous mistake.

“[However], the details are still coming out, and I pray the early reports are wrong,” Cruz concluded.

Cruz’s concerns about “voices in the administration” pushing for a deal with Iran was an apparent reference to reports that Israeli officials believe that Trump’s chief negotiating envoys, Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner were the driving force behind the scenes urging Trump to close a deal with Iran that would bring about a rapid regional stabilization, even though it would be at the cost of Israel’s long-term security.

Trump Pushes Back at the GOP Critics of His Decision to Resume Negotiations

Trump pushed back at the critics of his decision to push for a Memo of Understanding with Iran and the fears that it will leave Iran stronger than it was before the war began because of its ability to close the Straits of Hormuz again, and Israel militarily handicapped, unable to strike back effectively at Hezbollah or at Iran for fear of incurring Trump’s wrath for violating the ceasefires that he has imposed.

Trump wrote on Sunday, “If I make a deal with Iran, it will be a good and proper one, not like the one made by Obama, which gave Iran massive amounts of cash, and a clear and open path to a nuclear weapon. Our deal is the exact opposite, but nobody has seen it or knows what it is. It isn’t even fully negotiated yet. So don’t listen to the losers, who are critical about something they know nothing about. Unlike those before me who should have solved this problem many years ago, I don’t make bad deals!”

Trump explained in a separate Truth Social post why, in 2018, he renounced the 2015 nuclear deal that Obama signed with Iran, and how the deal that Trump is trying to make with Iran now will be better.

“One of the worst deals ever made by our country was the Iran nuclear deal, put forth and signed into existence by Barack Hussein Obama and the rank amateurs of the Obama administration. It provided] a direct path to Iran developing a nuclear weapon. Not so with the [enriched uranium] transaction currently being negotiated with Iran by the Trump Administration — the exact opposite, in fact!

“The negotiations are proceeding in an orderly and constructive manner, and I have informed my representatives not to rush into a deal, [as] time is on our side.”

In an effort to reassure Israel and its supporters, Trump then declared that, “The [existing U.S. naval] blockade will remain in full force and effect until an agreement is reached, certified, and signed.

“Both sides must take their time and get it right. There can be no mistakes! Our relationship with Iran is becoming a much more professional and productive one. They must understand, however, that they cannot develop or procure a nuclear weapon or bomb.”

Trump Pushes the Muslim States Asking for His Help With Iran to Join the Abraham Accords

“I would like to thank, thus far, all of the countries of the Middle East for their support and cooperation, which will be further enhanced and strengthened by their joining the nations of the historic Abraham Accords, and, who knows, perhaps the Islamic Republic of Iran would like to join, as well!

Trump’s decision to hold off on another attack last week, and launch instead another effort to reach an agreement with Iran, was also defended by his Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, who said that if Iran hoped to avoid renewed attacks by the U.S. and Israel designed finish off the destruction of both its military and its domestic economy, it would need to accept U.S. terms and comply with them.

“The idea that somehow this president, given everything he’s already proven he’s willing to do, is going to somehow agree to a deal that ultimately winds up putting Iran in a stronger position when it comes to nuclear ambitions is absurd,” Rubio suggested.

Trump posted his Sunday shortly after an unnamed “senior Trump administration official” told reporters that so far, the U.S. and Iran have agreed, in principle, that Iran will fully reopen the Strait of Hormuz in exchange for the U.S. ending its blockade on Iranian shipping. All further details of the agreement, including whether Iran would agree to permanently dismantle its nuclear program and give up its enriched uranium stockpile, remain unresolved, to be settled in further negotiations during the new ceasefire.

The unnamed U.S. official also conceded that the proposed Memorandum of Understanding could still founder if Iran goes back on its part of the agreement, which it has often done before. For example, it could refuse to turn over its uranium, or make unreasonable demands for economic benefits, such as the lifting of sanctions, before fulfilling its own commitments under the Memorandum of Understanding.

The U.S. official said that the agreement would provide the U.S. and global economy with some needed “breathing room.”

He also insisted that there have been no specific commitments yet, from the American side, on releasing Iran’s frozen assets in foreign banks, or on any initial lifting of American economic sanctions, despite Iran’s demands for upfront economic relief.

Key Details Missing From the Unfinished “Understanding”

The official also claimed that Iran has accepted, in principle, to give up all of its uranium, but how and when that happens remains subject to future negotiations.

He said the U.S. would provide Iran with sanctions relief only in response to and proportional to the steps Iran takes in restricting its nuclear program according to the terms of the final agreement.

In addition, the U.S. and Iran have not yet agreed on the time frame during which Iran would suspend its nuclear work. Trump has said he wants Iran to suspend its uranium enrichment activities for 20 years, while Iranian negotiators have said that they would only discuss a shorter suspension, and that instead of giving up its stockpiles of highly enriched uranium, as Trump has demanded, Iran now wants to keep at least part of its stockpile after it has been diluted under regional supervision.

But for Israel, that is also unacceptable, because any agreement that leaves enriched uranium in Iran’s hands, even temporarily, would be seen as preserving Iran’s ability to stage a quick nuclear weapons breakout. From Israel’s perspective, even the continuation of low-level uranium enrichment on Iranian soil would still be problematic, because the same infrastructure and expertise needed for that process could be used to create the raw materials for making crude nuclear weapons as well.

The U.S. official also said that the number of years Iran is blocked from enriching uranium is less important than the enforcement mechanism that will prevent Iran from cheating on whatever agreement is finally reached.

The Missing Items in the Deal That Israel Is Most Worried About

However, the U.S. official said nothing about including any restrictions on Iran’s ballistic missile threat or ending Iran’s support for Hezbollah as part of the negotiations for the Memorandum of Understanding. This is a serious problem from the Israeli military’s point of view, which considers Iran’s nuclear weapon development, its ballistic missile arsenal, its drone capabilities, and its network of proxy terrorists as integral parts of Iran’s larger strategic threat to Israel’s existence, on multiple fronts. That is why Israeli leaders worry that any deal with Trump that only addresses the nuclear issue, while putting off the others, risks leaving Israel to face a renewed threat from a rebuilt and rearmed Iran within just a few years.

The current mediation effort has been led by Pakistan’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, who has gone to Tehran to meet with Iranian officials, including Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, President Masoud Pezeshkian, and parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf.

Israeli skeptics warn that these Iranian officials are not the final decision-makers in the Islamic regime. The real power in Iran is thought to lie in the hands of hardline senior officers in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), such as its commander in chief, General Ahmad Vahidi. He, apparently, controls Iran’s new Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, who, at least theoretically, has the final word on all security and strategic issues in Iran today.

Iran’s Controlling IRGC Hardliners Staying in the Background

The consensus assessment in Israel is that Iran is putting forth more moderate diplomatic figures to manage the public and international negotiations with U.S. negotiators, while the hard-liners who hold the real power to make the final decisions remain behind the scenes. That allows Iran to appear more pragmatic and reasonable, while avoiding the need to make any final concessions on the issues that matter most to them, until after the ceasefire they seek from Trump is in place.

The hardliners welcome the delay because they believe that time is on their side. The longer the conflict lasts, the greater will be the domestic pressure on the Trump administration from its political enemies to give in to Iran’s demands, rather than running the risk of going to war against Iran again.

Meanwhile, Iran’s semi-official Tasnim news agency reported Sunday that Tehran is demanding sanctions relief and the unfreezing of its foreign assets early in the negotiation process, and would be willing to walk away, leaving the Memorandum of Understanding unsigned, if Trump doesn’t agree to these concessions.

The Influence of the Gulf States on Trump

The Gulf Arab states that intervened last week with Trump and pleaded for him to postpone his planned attack on Iran, are eager to avoid further Iranian attacks on their energy facilities and to see the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, enabling them to resume their oil exports.

But the Gulf states are reportedly uncomfortable with the prospect that any deal with Iran would leave it in effective control of the strait. Iran may also be emboldened to use military threats once again to intimidate its neighboring Persian Gulf states, after the U.S. naval and air armadas, which Trump has deployed in the region to support another attack on Iran, move on.

Even the global oil markets, which are eager to see a quick end to the U.S. and Iranian blockades halting tanker traffic from the Persian Gulf, are hungry for more details about how quickly the flow of crude oil can be resumed, and whether Iran will be left in a position to block the strategic waterway again in the future, leading to more disruptions of the global energy market.

Iran Is Strengthened By Its Proven Ability To Shut Down The Persian Gulf

H.A. Hellyer, a senior fellow at the Royal United Services Institute, a London-based military think tank, told the Wall Street Journal that no matter how the current negotiations turn out, “Iran enters the postwar period with leverage it didn’t have before, because Hormuz is now an established [Iranian] bargaining chip. The major risk for Gulf Arab states is that this leaves [the regime in] Tehran feeling emboldened and thus interested in making itself more, not less, of a nuisance to [the] regional order.”

Israeli Prime Minister Binyomin Netanyahu is now also under increased political pressure at home, due to Trump’s apparent willingness to cut a deal that fails to prevent Iran from re-establishing its long-range ballistic missile threat.

That threat has become much more immediate due to a report by Channel 12 news, based upon an updated American intelligence assessment, which claims that Iran has already restarted its mass production of long-range drones, ballistic missiles, and their launchers, using improvised underground factories, and assistance from Russia and China.

Iran Has Rebuilt Its Ballistic Missile Threat Much Faster Than Israel Expected

Based upon that assessment, Israeli defense officials are now said to believe that Iran could rebuild its previous drone manufacturing capabilities within a few months and significantly ramp up its ballistic missile production rate within about a year, or possibly sooner.

Netanyahu was also being criticized for agreeing to Trump’s initial ceasefire restrictions on IDF attempts to stop Hezbollah’s missile and drone attacks on Israeli troops inside Lebanon, and Israeli civilians living along the northern border. Trump lifted those restrictions over the weekend, at Israel’s request, and gave Netanyahu a green light to order a new, all-out IDF assault on Hezbollah.

Netanyahu is currently facing a tough fight to win another term as prime minister in the next Knesset election, which will take place no later than this October. His position was further compromised by Trump’s statement to reporters last week following a telephone conversation with the Israeli prime minister that Netanyahu is “a very good man. He’ll do whatever I want him to do.”

Netanyahu’s Tied to Trump’s Decisions

Because Netanyahu has tied himself so closely to Trump and has taken the political credit for staging joint attacks with the U.S. against Iran during the two wars over the past year, he is now being blamed for enabling Trump to negotiate a deal with Iran at the expense of Israel’s security.

His critics blame Netanyahu for allowing Trump to bully him into agreeing to a ceasefire in Gaza seven months ago before the IDF’s destruction of Hamas’ military capabilities in Gaza was completed. They also fault Netanyahu for accepting a Trump-ordered ceasefire in Lebanon.

To defend himself against those accusations, Netanyahu told the Israeli people Sunday, “I spoke last night with President Trump about the Memorandum of Understanding to reopen the Straits of Hormuz and the upcoming negotiations toward a final agreement on Iran’s nuclear program.

“I expressed my deep appreciation to President Trump for his unwavering commitment to Israel’s security, including during Operation Roaring Lion and Epic Fury [the war that was started by the joint February 28 air strikes], when American and Israeli forces fought shoulder to shoulder against the Iranian threat.

Netanyahu then declared that, “President Trump and I agreed that any final agreement with Iran must eliminate the nuclear danger. That means dismantling Iran’s nuclear enrichment sites and removing its enriched nuclear material from its territory.”

In addition, Netanyahu said that “President Trump also reaffirmed Israel’s right to defend itself against threats on every front, including Lebanon,” even though Iran has been pushing to extend the ceasefire agreement in the Memorandum of Understanding to end the war the IDF has been fighting against Hezbollah.

Netanyahu insisted that “The partnership between us and our two countries has been proven on the battlefield and has never been stronger.

“My policy, like President Trump’s, remains unchanged: Iran will not have nuclear weapons.”

However, Netanyahu was unable to say that he got a commitment from Trump to prevent Iran from re-establishing its ballistic missile threat. Nor did he get a promise from Trump to maintain the sanctions that have crippled Iran’s economy, and whose loosening would strengthen the new hardline leadership of the Islamic regime, which is still dedicated to Israel’s destruction.

Netanyahu Admits His Influence On Trump’s Policies Has Diminished

Several media reports say that Netanyahu has admitted privately to his advisors that he has had little ability to influence President Trump’s decisions in his current negotiations with Iran, even though they have had at least three phone conversations over the past week. One of his advisors reportedly said that Netanyahu has told him he “has no maneuver to influence the [American] president right now.”

A Reuters report confirmed that the negotiations are focusing on an agreement in principle on the re-opening of the Strait of Hormuz first, followed by negotiations on the fate of Iran’s nuclear program, including its uranium enrichment efforts and its stockpile of uranium. Much of that material is believed to be buried under the rubble of the underground nuclear site at Isfahan, which was attacked and believed largely destroyed last June by 15-ton bunker-busting bombs dropped by American B-2 stealth bombers.

The report also said that even though Trump and Netanyahu agreed on the need to start the war against Iran by launching a joint air attack on February 28 that killed its Supreme Leader and many other senior Islamic regime leaders, “Israeli and U.S. war objectives have diverged since then, with the U.S. focused on reopening the Strait of Hormuz.”

In an interview on CBS TV in early May, Netanyahu stressed that “there’s [more] work to be done,” to ensure the removal of enriched uranium from Iran, an end to its support for terrorist proxies like Hezbollah, and stopping its mass production of long-range ballistic missiles capable of reaching Israel and other targets more than 1,200 miles away.

Nevertheless, in a post on Monday, Trump reported that, “Negotiations with the Islamic Republic of Iran are proceeding nicely! It will only be a great deal for all or no deal at all — back to the battlefront and shooting, but bigger and stronger than ever before — and nobody wants that!”

Trump’s Call to Muslim States to Join the Abraham Accords

Trump added, in an apparent effort to ease the political pressure on Netanyahu, that, “During my discussions on Saturday with President Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, of Saudi Arabia; Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, of The United Arab Emirates; Emir Tamim bin Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Thani, and Minister Ali al-Thawadi, of Qatar; Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir Ahmed Shah, of Pakistan; President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, of Turkey; President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, of Egypt; King Abdullah II, of Jordan, and King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, of Bahrain, I stated that, after all the work done by the United States to try and pull this very complex puzzle together, it should be mandatory that all of these countries, at a minimum, simultaneously, sign onto the Abraham Accords. Those countries discussed are Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (already a member!), Qatar, Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt, Jordan, and Bahrain (already a member!).”

Trump conceded that, “It may be possible that one or two have a reason for not doing so, and that will be accepted, but most should be ready, willing, and able to make this settlement with Iran a far more historic event than it would otherwise be.”

He stated that the Abraham Accords, which were negotiated by his representatives and signed during his first term as president, “have proven to be, for the countries involved (the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, Sudan, and Kazakhstan), a financial, economic, and social boom, even during this time of conflict and war, with the current Members never even suggesting leaving, or taking so much as even a pause. The reason for this is that the Abraham Accords have been great for them and will be even better for everybody, and bring true power, strength, and peace to the Middle East for the first time in 5,000 years. It will be a document respected like no other that has ever been signed, anywhere in the world. Its level of importance and prestige will be unparalleled!”

Trump added that he expected the process to start “with the immediate signing [of the Abraham Accords] by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, and everybody else should follow suit. If they don’t, they should not be part of this deal [with Iran] because it shows bad intentions.”

Trump’s Most Unrealistic Peace Proposal Yet

Trump suggested an extremely unrealistic possibility, that Iran’s current Islamic regime would also agree to sign the Abraham Accords with Israel.

“In speaking to numerous of the great leaders mentioned above,” Trump said, “they would be honored, as soon as our document is signed, to have the Islamic Republic of Iran as part of the Abraham Accords. Wow, now that would be something special!

“This will be the most important deal that any of these great, but always in conflict, countries will ever sign. Nothing in the past, or in the future, will surpass it. Therefore, I am mandatorily requesting that all countries immediately sign the Abraham Accords, and that, if Iran signs its agreement with me, as President of the United States of America, it would be an honor to have them also be part of this unparalleled world coalition. The Middle East would be united, powerful, and economically strong, like perhaps no other area, anywhere in the world!

“By copy of this truth,” Trump said, in closing his Truth Social post, “I am asking my representatives to begin, and successfully complete, the process of signing these countries into the already historic Abraham Accords.”

Nevertheless, American officials are still being cautious about reaching an agreement on a Memorandum of Understanding, given the current distance between the American and Iranian positions on a range of issues, as well as lingering doubts about the authority of Iran’s negotiators to make any binding commitments that require significant concessions without the new Supreme Leader’s express approval.

The Saudis and Pakistan Reject Trump’s Call to Sign the Abraham Accord

Saudi Arabia was quick to reject Trump’s call for them to join the Abraham Accords immediately by issuing a statement declaring that it will only agree to normalize relations with Israel after an “irreversible pathway” to Palestinian statehood has been established.

Pakistan’s Defense Minister, Khawaja Asif, also rejected President Trump’s call for the Arab and Muslim states seeking to avoid another U.S. war against Iran to join as signatories to the Abraham Accords, revealing his country’s deep, ideologically based hatred of Israel, which should have disqualified it from serving as the ostensibly neutral mediator of the current negotiations.

“Personally, I don’t think we should join any such accord that clashes with our fundamental ideologies,” Asif said.

“How will you sit down with those people [Israeli leaders] whose word cannot be trusted even for a single day?”

“We have a very clear stance that this is not acceptable to us,” the Pakistani defense minister added, “and secondly, we are the only country whose passports don’t [ever] include Israel’s name.”

If the current Pakistani-moderated negotiations do break down, Trump has said that a detailed American attack plan is already in place and ready to be implemented. It will attack Iran’s remaining military capabilities, as well as the missiles and missile launchers that Iran has recovered from the sites that were attacked during the nearly six weeks of air strikes that followed the initial February 28 attack.

What The Next U.S.-Israeli Attack On Iran Might Look Like

According to a Ynet analysis by Ron Ben-Yishai, a new U.S. air campaign is also expected to focus on Iran’s economic and infrastructure targets that had previously been spared. These include Iran’s energy infrastructure, including oil and gas production, transportation, refining and processing facilities, as well as electricity generation, which will impact Iran’s civilian population.

The same Ynet analysis predicts that the next round of Israeli air strikes will continue to concentrate on strategic and military targets, including Iran’s remaining ballistic missile facilities, drone production sites, as well as the steel plants and petrochemical industries that are also vital to Iran’s continued weapons production capabilities.

Israeli military planners are also reportedly making a key distinction between Iran’s large remaining arsenal of short-range missiles, which primarily threaten the nearby Gulf states and the American military bases located in them, and Iran’s longer-range missile arsenal, a significant portion of which was either destroyed during the recent six-week air war or is still trapped in the rubble of collapsed underground launch sites.

Iran No Longer Has Enough Missiles For A Saturation Attack On Israel

Many of Iran’s surviving missile production sites, launch infrastructure, and command networks have been damaged, and many of the trained personnel who know how to operate them have been killed. That means that although Iran’s remaining long-range missiles can still reach Israel, there are not enough of them left for Iran to launch saturation attacks, using dozens of rockets simultaneously launched at the same target, necessary to overwhelm Israel’s highly effective missile defenses.

But even if the new Israeli attack plan does eliminate most of what remains of Iranian long-range missile capability, Iran would still be able to retaliate indirectly by using its short-range weapons to resume the destruction of the energy production facilities of its Persian Gulf neighbors, including Saudi Arabia. The leaders of those states would then try to pressure President Trump to intervene once again, like they did last week. They would ask Trump to demand that Netanyahu order the IDF to stop its attacks on Iran, a demand that the Israeli prime minister could not afford to refuse.

For that reason, the preferred outcome for Israel at this point is not a decision by Trump to resume the joint U.S.-Israeli air strikes against Iran, which still might not succeed in forcing Iran’s new leaders to give in to U.S. and Israeli demands, or to agree to the proposed Memorandum of Understanding, which would re-open the Strait of Hormuz, but likely leave too many of the key issues with Iran still unresolved.

Israel Might Prefer Trump To Continue The Current Status Quo

Instead, it would be more desirable for Israel if Trump were to continue his campaign of maximum economic, military, and diplomatic pressure on Iran until its new hardline leaders are more willing to accept a much more comprehensive peace agreement that meets all of American and Israeli security demands. That includes Iran giving up its entire stockpile of enriched uranium and ending its enrichment of uranium permanently. It also requires placing definite range and numerical limits on Iran’s arsenal of ballistic missiles and drones and cutting off Iran’s support for its regional terrorist proxies, beginning with Hezbollah and Hamas.

Meanwhile, according to an eye-opening Jerusalem Post opinion piece, written by Washington-based counterterrorism expert Erfan Fard, “sources close to the White House say Trump has grown increasingly frustrated with the stalled [negotiations over the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran]. . . “and is now [once again] weighing the option of a ‘decisive final military operation’ as a way to end the crisis.”

According to Fard, part of the problem with the current negotiations is that “The United States [is] still [talking with] the Islamic Republic’s ‘diplomatic façade,’ while real authority [in Iran today] remains concentrated within the ideological-security structure of the IRGC.” In addition, the appointment of Mojtaba Khamenei to replace his late father as Iran’s new Supreme Leader, was arranged by the leadership of the IRGC, because it controls him.

How The IRGC Gained Control Over Iran

During the former Supreme Leader’s 37-year rule, he permitted the leadership of the IRGC to gather political power and control over Iran’s key economic and military institutions. Eventually, the IRGC reduced Iran’s elected government officials to powerless puppet leaders, while using the religious authority and prestige of Iran’s Islamic Supreme Leader to legitimize their de facto rule over the country.

Fard says that, “The IRGC did not merely manufacture [Mojtaba Khamenei as Iran’s] symbolic leader. It reconstructed command centers, intelligence networks, financial structures, and security command systems while simultaneously shaping the broader architecture of Iran’s future order.”

Fard writes that, “The IRGC is no longer merely a military force. It has evolved into an ideological army, an economic empire, a vast network of intelligence organizations, an internal security apparatus, and the Mafia-like engine driving regional terrorism.”

Only now has it become apparent that Iran is being ruled by an IRGC military junta, which has long hidden behind a Shiite Islamic theocracy, along with a sham elected parliament and president.

Has Trump Been Wasting Time by Negotiating With the Wrong Iranians?

Fard accuses the Trump administration of wasting its time by negotiating with Iranian government officials who are powerless political puppets and are not authorized to make any concessions on behalf of Iran’s true rulers.

He argues that the crucial point the Trump administration should keep in mind is that “The IRGC no longer protects [Iran’s governing] system. It has become the system.”

In addition, Fard warns that IRGC’s leaders, who are actually ruling Iran from behind the scenes with an iron hand, are dedicated, first and foremost, to remaining in power, and they really don’t care how much that may ultimately cost their country.

Mountains are central to our history. The first mountain we encounter is Har Hamoriah, where Avrohom Avinu approached to bring his son Yitzchok as a korban.

On that mountain, malochim appeared to Avrohom and Yitzchok. On that mountain, Yaakov Avinu experienced kedusha and received tremendous brachos. On that mountain, the Bais Hamikdosh was built.

The mountain that hosted so much holiness also experienced great tragedy. Though it witnessed immense kedusha, during the time of the churban its holiness was defiled and tumah found a resting place there. We anxiously await the day when the Shechinah will once again return there together with the Bais Hamikdosh Hashlishi.

The Torah also speaks about Har Gerizim and Har Eivol, the mountains near Shechem. Upon one, eternal brachos were proclaimed. Upon the other, eternal curses were declared for those who do not follow the Torah. The mountain of blessings was lush and green, while the other remained barren and desolate. They remain that way until today.

In Nach, we read about the mountain upon which Eliyohu Hanovi confronted the false prophets of the avodah zorah known as Baal.

But of all the mountains, the one most central to who we are is Har Sinai. Though physically small, it towers over the entire landscape of Jewish history. On Shavuos, we picture millions of Yidden encamped around it, overwhelmed with tangible awe. They had traveled for forty-five days, following Moshe Rabbeinu through a hot and dusty desert in order to reach it.

Their journey had truly begun at brias ha’olam, when the world itself was created. The nation was moving toward its ultimate destiny. Bereishis, Chazal teach us, bishvil haTorah shenikreis reishis – the world was created so that the Torah could eventually be given to the Jewish people.

There was thunder and lightning. The sound of the shofar echoed powerfully, growing louder and louder. Smoke rose from the mountain, which stood beneath a thick cloud. The Divine Voice reverberated throughout creation, shaking the foundations of the earth. The Bnei Yisroel trembled with fear as they watched their leader ascend the mountain and disappear into the arofel, the thick fog.

On Shavuos, as we revisit the story of Moshe Rabbeinu ascending Har Sinai, we are reminded that the road to the highest levels of kedusha is rarely smooth or clear. More often, it passes through fog, smoke, and uncertainty. The Torah tells us, “Vayavo Moshe besoch he’anan,” and later, “Moshe nigash el ha’arofel asher shom ha’Elokim.” Moshe entered the cloud and approached the dense darkness where Hashem’s Presence rested. Moshe Rabbeinu did not receive the Torah beneath calm and peaceful skies. It came amid thunder, lightning, smoke, and heavy fog.

Perhaps that itself was part of the lesson.

A person may think that drawing closer to Hashem always comes with clarity, serenity, and immediate inspiration. But the Torah teaches otherwise. Very often, before reaching greater light, a person must first pass through confusion. Before attaining deeper holiness, he encounters resistance, distraction, and what Chazal call tishtush hamochin, a fogging of the mind and spirit.

Wherever there is kedusha, there is tumah attempting to oppose it. The greater the potential for holiness, the stronger the forces that seek to obstruct and contaminate it. To demonstrate this, at the very moment the world was about to become forever elevated through Kabbolas HaTorah, Har Sinai was surrounded by arofel, darkness, and smoke.

That pattern has repeated itself throughout history.

Whenever Yidden sought to build Torah, strengthen themselves spiritually, or establish places of purity and growth, opposition inevitably arose. Sometimes the resistance came from external persecution and hardship. At other times, it emerged internally, through confusion, cynicism, temptation, or spiritual exhaustion. The greater and stronger the structure of kedusha becomes, the more aggressively tumah attempts to seep through the cracks and poison it.

Yet, those who seek taharah do not become lost in the fog or frightened by it. They understand that it is part of the process. Moshe Rabbeinu moved forward into the arofel because he knew that beyond it rested the Shechinah itself.

The challenge facing those who strive for greatness in Torah and avodas Hashem is to continue advancing even when clarity fades. To keep learning, davening, building, and striving despite the noise, confusion, and distractions swirling around them. The yeitzer hora tries to convince a person that if he feels uninspired, overwhelmed, or spiritually blocked, he should retreat. But the lesson of Har Sinai teaches the exact opposite. Sometimes, the greatest growth occurs precisely when one pushes through the fog rather than surrendering to it.

This is the foundation of the nisyonos involving emunah and bitachon. It is easy to believe when everything is clear. But we must also recognize the Hand of Hashem when it is hidden, when life becomes difficult and events do not unfold the way we hoped.

Throughout the generations, our forefathers understood this truth. They knew that there are periods of darkness and hester, and that the path to kedusha, survival, and a blessed Yiddishe life is not by avoiding struggle, but by refusing to allow struggle to define or stop us.

That message is especially relevant in our generation, when distractions are endless and confusion is everywhere, when moral boundaries become blurred and spiritual fog surrounds us. We live in an age of superficiality, shortened attention spans, and short memories. It is easy to lose clarity regarding who we are and what we are meant to strive for. This is the modern form of arofel.

We must continue pushing our way through the fog, recognizing that if we persevere – if we maintain our sense of kedusha and Torah values – we can continue climbing until we reach the place we seek, “asher shom ha’Elokim,” the place beyond the darkness where Hashem resides.

The Brisker Rov was the mesader kiddushin at a wedding. Standing under the chupah, it came time for the chosson to place the ring on the kallah’s finger and declare her his wife. As the young man attempted to put the ring on her finger, he became so nervous that he began shaking and dropped the ring.

His father bent down, picked up the ring from the floor, and handed it back to the chosson. Once again, the chosson’s hand trembled, and as he tried to place the ring on his kallah’s finger, it slipped and fell to the ground. His father picked it up and returned it to him.

The nervous chosson made a third attempt to place the ring on the girl’s finger. Once again, the seemingly simple task escaped him and the ring dropped to the floor. This time, people began murmuring. Someone turned to the rov and remarked, “This seems like a sign that they should not be getting married. Perhaps their match is simply not bashert.”

The rov shook his head. “No, no,” he replied. “This is a sign that the couple was meant to marry now and not three minutes earlier.”

Upon hearing those words, the young man relaxed. His father handed him the ring once more, he placed it on the kallah’s finger, and declared, “Harei at mekudeshes li… kedas Moshe v’Yisroel.”

The study of Torah is difficult, and many times, while learning, we feel as though we are trapped in arofel, lost in a fog of confusion. We cannot follow the back-and-forth of the Gemara or understand the kushya or teretz of Tosafos. We convince ourselves that the sugya is beyond our ability to comprehend. We feel tempted to close the Gemara and find something easier to occupy ourselves with.

But we must remember that this is the way of the Torah. It does not come easily. Nevertheless, we immerse ourselves in it, and after much toil, we slowly begin to understand and appreciate its beauty and brilliance.

Rav Shmuel Auerbach related a story that he heard from a direct witness, ish mipi ish. One of the holy tzaddikim of Yerushalayim possessed a kemei’a that he would lend to people in need of a yeshuah. The Kabbalistic parchment had been written by the Taz, author of the Turei Zohov on Shulchan Aruch. The kemei’a was known to be exceptionally powerful, and many who used it saw their problems resolved.

The owner of the kemei’a was extremely curious about what was written on the concealed parchment that possessed such extraordinary power. Although opening an amulet generally causes it to lose its effectiveness, he reasoned that perhaps he could copy the secret names of Hashem and the malochim written on it onto a new parchment and preserve its power to help those in desperate need.

When he carefully opened the ancient sacred document, he was astonished to discover that it did not contain holy names or the names of ministering angels. Instead, in the handwriting of the Taz, there was only a single sentence: “Dear Creator of the world, in the merit of my deep toil to understand the words of Tosafos in Chullin on daf 96, please bring salvation and blessings to the person wearing this amulet.”

That is the power of Torah. This is the reward for laboring to understand the words of a Tosafos.

The Torah grants life to those who struggle through the arofel in order to understand and absorb its holy words and messages. The strength it gives its faithful adherents is eternal. But to attain a true understanding of Torah, we must possess patience, discipline, and wisdom. We must never give up or surrender.

The first Jews who received the Torah had their own arofel: the slavery of Mitzrayim and the descent into the deepest levels of tumah. Their faith sustained them as they followed Moshe Rabbeinu out of the country and through the Yam Suf. Within forty-nine days, they prepared themselves to receive the Torah at Har Sinai. They fought their way through the fog of Mitzrayim’s tumah and elevated themselves to the highest levels attainable by man.

On Shavuos, we read Megillas Rus, the story of Na’ami and her daughter-in-law, Rus. Two courageous women survived tremendous tragedy and rose above their personal arofel to become the ancestors of Dovid Hamelech and ultimately Moshiach. Rus HaMoaviah rose above the depravity of her homeland and became a devoted giyores. Nothing deterred her from remaining loyal to Torah and the Jewish people. She endured poverty and loneliness while pursuing the path she had chosen. In return, she merited royal descendants and eternal blessings. We continue to await the arrival of her descendant, the ultimate redeemer.

Rus had every reason to return to Moav and to the wealth she had left behind when she married into the family of Elimelech, yet she so eloquently bound her destiny to the Jewish people. Her story inspires us to persevere during difficult times. It is yet another reminder that those who follow the path of Hashem and cling to Torah and mitzvos with determination will ultimately flourish and succeed.

Rather than retreating, she moved forward. Instead of surrendering to what appeared to be overwhelming obstacles, she demonstrated that commitment to Torah is always preferable to any alternative. We, too, must never give up, no matter what difficulties we encounter in the observance or study of Torah.

When Hashem appeared to the Bnei Yisroel and offered them the Torah, they responded in unison, “Na’aseh venishma – We will do and we will hear whatever You tell us.” Their response was so praiseworthy that the Gemara in Maseches Shabbos (88a) relates that afterward, malochim placed two crowns upon the head of every Jew, one for na’aseh and one for nishma. A bas kol rang out proclaiming, “Who taught My children this secret?”

Many ask what was so extraordinary about na’aseh venishma that it elicited such a dramatic response. Perhaps we can explain that by responding in this manner, they were declaring: “Na’aseh – we will live according to the dictates of the Torah and follow its commandments. Venishma – and we will accomplish this through dedicating ourselves to the study of Torah. No difficulty will stop us from working as hard as we can to understand the words of the Torah. We will not become lost or deterred in the arofel.”

Na’aseh venishma. We have been repeating that pledge for thousands of years. Wherever we are, whatever language we speak, regardless of our geographical distance from major Jewish centers, despite the ravages of exile, golus, churban, and pogroms, we continue proclaiming together, “Na’aseh venishma.”

Those words are what distinguish us and what have sustained us throughout the ages. We have been protected by the Torah and by our loyalty to it and to what it demands of us. The other nations that once filled the world have disappeared throughout history. We remain because of those two words that guide and define us.

On the Yom Tov of Kabbolas HaTorah, we once again stand at Har Sinai and proclaim, “Na’aseh venishma.” We receive the Torah anew and are reminded of our mission and purpose. Shavuos is not merely a commemoration of what our ancestors accepted long ago, but a renewal of our own commitment to live as people shaped and elevated by Torah, today and every day.

My uncle, Rav Avrohom Chaim Levin, rosh yeshiva of Yeshivas Telz, once recalled a difficult period in the yeshiva when an incident had deeply shaken the rosh yeshiva, Rav Elya Meir Bloch. The atmosphere in the bais medrash was tense as the talmidim gathered to hear the rosh yeshiva speak. They expected a fiery rebuke, a painful description of how low a person can fall. As they entered and took their seats for the shmuess, they feared what he would say.

But Rav Elya Meir spoke about something entirely different.

“We already know how low a person can sink,” he said. “Now let us speak about how high a person can rise.”

And with the classic mussar emphasis on gadlus ha’adam, he delivered a shmuess about possibility, about the greatness contained within every Jew, and the heights each person can attain.

The great mashgiach, Rav Yechezkel Levenstein, would say that while it is a serious failing for a person not to recognize his deficiencies, it is an even greater failing not to recognize his strengths and qualities. A person who ignores his weaknesses cannot improve himself, but a person who ignores his greatness cannot even begin the journey upward.

Perhaps this is one of the central messages of Shavuos as well.

The Torah was not given to malochim. It was given to human beings who struggle, fail, become discouraged, and sometimes lose clarity. Yet, Hashem looked at those very human beings and entrusted them with His Torah because of what they are capable of becoming.

The yeitzer hora wants a person to focus obsessively on his weaknesses and failures, convincing him that holiness and greatness belong only to others. But the yeitzer tov reminds us that the opposite is true.

The fire of Har Sinai burns within the heart of every Jew.

The fire of Torah possesses the power to illuminate the neshomah and burn away the tumah that seeks to envelop it. Even during periods of arofel and choshech, confusion and spiritual exhaustion, every Yid possesses the strength to continue moving forward, to walk through darkness with purpose, and to strive upward as a kadosh reaching toward Heaven.

So often in life, there is a temptation to surrender, to convince ourselves that the burdens are too heavy, the distractions are too powerful, and the challenges are too overwhelming. A person may feel that he has stumbled too many times to ever rise again.

But the nation that declared “Na’aseh venishma” is not a nation that gives up.

The very essence of those words was the willingness to continue forward despite uncertainty, despite difficulty, despite not fully understanding what lay ahead. At Har Sinai, Klal Yisroel demonstrated that it understood that greatness is achieved by accepting the challenge of growth.

Every Shavuos, as we once again accept the Torah, we are reminded not only of our obligations, but also of our greatness. We remember that we were created for more than mediocrity and distraction. We were created to rise, to horeveh in Torah, to grow, and to become a great nation of great people.

For those who carry the words “Na’aseh venishma” within their souls, no challenge is insurmountable and no height is beyond reach.

We speak about greatness, holiness, and climbing toward Heaven. We speak about the crowns that were placed upon our heads at Har Sinai, about walking through the arofel, about becoming anshei kodesh while living in a difficult physical world filled with challenges. But all of this can sound lofty and distant, as though true greatness belongs only to malochim and not to ordinary people like us.

The Torah teaches otherwise.

There was once a great commotion in the town of Sadigura. Rav Yisroel of Ruzhin had come to visit, and crowds gathered to catch a glimpse of the great tzaddik and perhaps receive a brocha. A young child heard the excitement and asked what it was about.

“A rebbe as holy as a malach has come to town,” they told him. “The heilige Ruzhiner is here.”

Curious and sincere, the child pushed his way through the crowd until he stood before the rebbe. He carefully walked around him, studying him from every angle.

The rebbe noticed and asked the boy what he was looking for. “I was told that the rebbe is a malach, and my cheder rebbi taught us that in Akdamus it says that malochim have six wings. I am looking for your wings.”

The rebbe looked down at the cherubic young boy and smiled. Pointing to the six sons accompanying him, he said, “These are my six wings.”

The Torah does not ask us to escape our humanity and become malochim. It asks us to elevate our humanity. True greatness is not found in withdrawing from life, but in sanctifying it. The wings that lift a Jew Heavenward are not hidden somewhere beyond this world. They are built here – through raising children, building families, learning Torah, refining our character, helping others, persevering through struggle, and remaining loyal to Hashem and His Torah.

Moshe Rabbeinu entered the arofel not to stop being human, but to demonstrate that a human being can ascend far beyond what he imagined possible. Klal Yisroel stood at Har Sinai and affirmed that ordinary people of flesh and blood could live lives infused with kedusha and eternal meaning.

And every year on Shavuos, we stand there once again, hearing the call to greatness and reminding ourselves that despite the darkness of the times, despite the distractions of life, our weaknesses, and our struggles, we are the people to whom Hashem spoke at Har Sinai, and we are the people to whom He gave the Torah. That upward path still exists.

We are not malochim. But we possess the wings that can carry us as high as we wish to go.

Let’s go.

Ashreichem Yisroel.

Gut Yom Tov.

A Shavuos Chinuch Message

S_havuos_ is an intense time of year. We are accustomed to hearing from our rabbeim that just as Rosh Hashanah is a Yom Hadin regarding what will transpire in the coming year — who will live and who will die — Shavuos is also a Yom Hadin regarding Torah and ruchniyus. On Shavuos, it is paskened how much ruchniyus we will have and how much of a connection to Torah we will attain. Our rabbeim said this in the name of the Shelah Hakadosh and others.

I remember as a bochur, as we approached the Shloshes Yemei Hagbolah, and especially during the long seder that most yeshivos have right before Yom Tov, that there was an intensity in the air, a feeling of, “I had better learn, because my whole year of Torah is dependent on this.”

We felt a strong pressure. For many bochurim, it was a good thing. It was a motivator. It got us into it. However, for others, it was too much. There were those who felt, “I am not really into it. I don’t feel the mesikus haTorah.” They were constantly gauging themselves: “Am I really learning well? Do I really love Torah? Did I say Ahavah Rabbah with enough kavanah? After all, this Ahavah Rabbah is certainly the most important Ahavah Rabbah of the year…” And if they weren’t sure that they were doing it right, they didn’t feel good. They didn’t respond well to the pressure, and some therefore thought, “I sort of want this pressure to be over. Pass the cheesecake…”

Pressured Parents = Pressured Parenting

This feeling of pressure is not limited to yeshiva bochurim. In some ways, parents feel an even greater sense of pressure than their children. If our child comes home from school with a less-than-perfect mark, or if we see that the child does not have such a cheishek for learning, we feel a certain innate pressure building up.

Some parents especially feel that pressure around Shavuos time. It starts with the tens of emails and reminders hanging in shuls not to forget to say the Tefillas HaShelah on Erev Rosh Chodesh Sivan. The Tefillas HaShelah is a wonderful tefillah. It is full of feeling and contains what are probably the most important bakashos any parent can have. It should be said with seriousness, and even with tears if they come naturally. Yet, at the same time, there is this feeling of pressure for parents as we approach Shavuos. We look at our children and wonder: Do they really have a kesher with Torah? How many times will they get up for a coffee and a shmooze during Shavuos night? Is he really learning? Is she really ehrlich? What does she have on her SD card that I don’t know about?

Being a parent and hoping that your children are going down the right path is something that is fraught with anxiety today, and for good reason. Nevertheless, we must understand that if we are anxious, our children sense our anxiety. Then they become anxious and begin to associate ruchniyus, Torah, and Yiddishkeit with a sense of pressure and anxiety.

Home Should Be a Cocoon of Love

The great mashgiach of Lakewood, Rav Matisyohu Salomon, would often speak about the fact that the tremendous love and closeness that a father feels for his child could sometimes work against him and at times create pressure and friction. He therefore advised many parents to hire someone else to learn with their children, as he himself did for his own children.

Similarly, Rav Matisyohu did not feel that the Shabbos table is the time to “interrogate” a child to see whether he knows the parshas hashovua. The Shabbos table, the mashgiach felt, should be a calm, happy, low-pressure, relaxed family time. The pressure of having to know the answers to the questions contradicts the very purpose of what the Shabbos seudah — and indeed the Yiddishe home — is meant to be.

A child who comes home from school should feel like he is coming home to a place where he is loved and accepted unconditionally, regardless of his conduct in school. The home is not a continuation of school. It is the natural place where a child should feel comfortable and free of pressure. When one asks questions on the child’s parsha sheets, the child may feel, “If I know the answers, I am accepted and loved, and if I don’t…”

Not Even a Tiny Bit of Anxiety

I have the zechus of being in the middle of writing a book about the Zidichover Rebbe of Chicago, Rav Yehoshua Heschel Eichenstein, whose second yahrtzeit will be marked later this month. A cousin of his once asked him why he rarely learned with his children, and the rebbe replied, “I will tell you the truth. When I was growing up, if a father was learning with a child and the child didn’t know the Gemara or Chumash, he got a frask. Thus, for many kids (and their parents), learning with a parent became a source of anxiety. Even if I wouldn’t hit my children for lack of knowledge, I don’t want to even have a tiny bit of anxiety as a result of learning with them, and I don’t want them to detect even a smidgen of anxiety or disappointment on my part.”

He strengthened his point when his son, as an adult, asked him why he had not demanded more of them as children.

“I always wanted my children to feel comfortable,” he told his son warmly. “I wanted them to feel like their home was a safe haven, not a place where a taskmaster was driving them.”

The Two Parts of Shavuos

Shavuos is a time of great ruchniyus opportunity. It is a time when we bond with Hashem, a time when we should exude tremendous simcha that we have the great matanah of the Torah and that we were chosen by Hashem to be the nation that received His Torah. Indeed, it is such a time of simcha that it is the only Yom Tov regarding which the Gemara teaches us that we must display our simcha by also indulging in “chatzi lochem.”

The Gemara teaches that there is a machlokes regarding the other Yomim Tovim as to whether one is obligated to indulge in gashmiyus, in seudos and delicious foods in honor of Yom Tov. However, the Gemara continues, that machlokes applies only to the other Yomim Tovim. When it comes to Shavuos, everyone agrees that a person must also have lochem, at least half for oneself (referring to the gashmiyus), and half for Hashem (referring to the ruchniyus). Yes, everyone agrees that on Shavuos, one must also have the lochem — the gashmiyus — such as delicious seudos and the like.

How Chatzi Lochem Can Lead to Increased Chatzi LaHashem

To truly be dovuk in Hashem, a Yid must not feel constant pressure and anxiety, because that can often boomerang and produce the opposite effect. Sometimes, the very fact that there are beautiful seudos and an atmosphere of simcha can help a person imbibe the ruchniyus of the Yom Tov in a healthy way, without undue anxiety and pressure, and without constantly gauging whether he is really “dovuk in Torah” or whether one’s child is “really going on the proper path.”

Attaining ruchniyus for oneself can be tricky and counterintuitive. Sometimes, too much can lead to too little. In that way, the yeitzer hora is a really sly fox.

When it comes to trying to ensure that the ruchniyus of one’s children is progressing properly, it is perhaps even more complicated. What seems right can sometimes be wrong — and often the opposite. Each child is a world unto himself. His needs are unique, and just because his brother or sister needs something, or because a certain type of chinuch worked for one’s siblings, does not mean that it will work for him.

Children Are Too Important and Too Individual for a Set Brocha

The aforementioned Zidichover Rebbe of Chicago would often illustrate the importance of individuality in chinuch with the following thought. In Shemoneh Esrei, we don’t find any brocha where one should daven for his children. Why? After all, aren’t children the most important gift in a person’s life? We find that people can have everything — wealth, honor, a good marriage — but if they don’t have children, they feel that they have nothing. If children are so important, why didn’t the Anshei Knesses Hagedolah create a separate tefillah or brocha in Shemoneh Esrei on their behalf?

The rebbe strengthened his question further by asking: Isn’t the whole idea of tefillah learned from Chana, when she davened for a child, for Shmuel Hanovi?

The rebbe answered that the reason the Anshei Knesses Hagedolah instituted a set text for Shemoneh Esrei was because they understood that there would come a time when people would not be able to daven with proper kavanah. They therefore wanted to institute a uniform nusach that would “work” even when people could not properly focus.

Children, however, are so important that every person will daven and find the right words even without a set brocha.

Not only that, the rebbe continued, but it is not possible to create one uniform nusach wherein one davens for one’s children, because each child needs something different. What is good for one child may be harmful for another. Each child is an individual, and therefore each parent must daven for each child on an individual basis, with tefillos begging Hashem to provide that child’s individual needs and strengths.

A gutten, freilichen Shavuos, full of chatzi laHashem and also chatzi lochem!

I hope my readers will forgive me. On Lag Ba’omer, I boruch Hashem participated in four weddings, then two more before Shabbos. No complaints, chas veshalom. Simchos are great. But I am a bit obsessed with chasunos right now, so let’s explore the famous Shavuos–chasunah analogy.

The Gemara (Eruvin 54a) famously states that “this world that we must someday leave is like a wedding. Grab and eat, grab and drink.” As we all know, Chazal meant that this world passes quickly and we must seize every possible mitzvah and moment of learning.

The Chofetz Chaim elaborated: “This world is like a chasunah hall. Every day there is a different wedding. One day this group is dancing, the next day another. The dancers from the night before are gone. Others have taken their place. While you are there, snatch what you can.”

The Chofetz Chaim doesn’t need my emendations. However, after last week, I would humbly add as follows. Sometimes we see some of the same people. They may have danced more energetically at the last wedding; they may have spent longer in the middle circle. Perhaps here they were closer relatives or friends; perhaps at the other they were just peripheral. For myself, once I was from the chosson’s side, once from the kallah. We must know our place and recognize our role wherever we go. The common denominator is that we should try to bring joy wherever we go and contribute to the event.

The Steipler Gaon added an important factor to the metaphor. He noted that at the table, there is no need to struggle for food. The waiters attend to the guests, making sure that they receive their desired portion. But at one end of the hall, there is a bar. Leaving aside all other considerations, here it is self-service (at least some places). If you don’t take something for yourself, you end up thirsty and unhappy. This world, too, he concluded, is self-service. We must get up and take what we require. Chatof ve’echol, chatof ve’ishti.

We can now add that when we were young, our parents fed us and made sure we absorbed what we needed. Later, to change metaphors, our teachers fill us with knowledge, wisdom and good thoughts. Later, when we reach maturity, we are expected to forage for ourselves. While we may watch many people at these wonderful affairs, when we get home, we must attend to ourselves. Often, after a vacation or Pesach in a hotel, the children look around on the first morning home, asking, “Where’s the waiter? Isn’t there a tea room?” The answer is, “No. Go get it yourself.” That is the message of the Gemara and the reminder of Shavuos. We must chap every opportunity to learn Torah and do mitzvos, for the clock is ticking loudly and rapidly.

Rav Reuven Karelenstein adds a pithy point to the wedding scenario. The wedding preparations take months. There are many things to accomplish. A date must be set, housing obtained, a menu formulated, the band, flowers and music must be chosen, photographers must be hired, kibbudim shared and decided upon. But on the great day, if there is no ring, there is no marriage. Even if the chosson carefully said, “Harei at mekudeshes,” but forgot the crucial “li,” they are not married. It was all for naught. That is the moshol, but the nimshol is poignant and distressing. If we come into the world and forget our purpose; if we strive, spend, run, jump and avoid why we were placed here, it was a tragic waste of energy, potential and incredible resources lost forever.

The Medrash (Tanchuma, beginning of Chukas) tells the story of someone who was traveling from Eretz Yisrael to Bavel. He witnessed the strange sight of two birds fighting with each other, to the point that one actually killed the other. However, the winner quickly flew and returned with a certain herb. He placed it upon the dead bird, bringing it back to life. Our traveler thereupon seized the magic blade of grass and began bringing the dead back to life. He spotted a dead lion, used his new device and brought it back with a roar. Unfortunately, the lion promptly ate him. The Medrash concludes that the man was a fool. If you are given the power to resurrect the dead, don’t use it to commit suicide yourself.

Chazal (Tomid 32a) ask, “What should a person do to live? He should kill himself.” Of course, this doesn’t mean literally. It does mean that we should use all our energies, resources, wherewithal, talents and gifts to serve Hashem and accept the Torah unconditionally. One of the reasons Hashem picked up the mountain, holding it above us, was to instill yiras Shomayim in us. In fact, meforshim (see Oheiv Yisroel, Parshas Shekalim) teach that fear of Hashem is only completely instilled in a person when he is moser nefesh for Torah or a mitzvah. Rav Elimelech Biderman (Be’er Hachaim, Shavuos, page 442) cites stories and peirushim proving that this includes a small act or even thought of yiras Shomayim.

One example is from the Sheim M’Shmuel (Naso 5674). He states that if someone undertakes to become a nozir, he is immediately forbidden to become tomei, even for the seven closest relatives to whom a Kohein may and indeed must make himself tomei. This shows us that even the tiny moment when a person makes a vow or other commitment, he is filled with a higher kedusha even than a Kohein. This shows us that if we accomplish something difficult, even for a moment, we have justified our stay here on earth.

Rav Meilech goes on to demonstrate that being moser nefesh for Hashem’s Torah and mitzvos brings one the miracles he may need. The Mishnah (Avos 5:5) relates that one of the miracles in the Bais Hamikdosh was that the Bais Hamikdosh was totally full and cramped with people who had come to fulfill the mitzvah of visiting there on Yom Tov. The neis was that although they could barely fit when they were standing near each other, when they prostrated themselves, there was still room for all. Rav Meilech explains that the neis only happened because people were willing to stand in cramped quarters, being moser nefesh for the mitzvah.

It is well known that Rav Elazar Menachem Man Shach was of the opinion that Shavuos is the Yom Hadin for Torah. He derived this from his uncle Rav Isser Zalman Meltzer’s reading of a Ran, but he treated the statement literally. To the rosh yeshiva, on Shavuos it is decided if we would succeed in our Torah studies that year and to what extent. It is interesting to recall that Rabbi Shlomo Lorencz, longtime member of the Knesset and confident of many gedolei Yisroel, floated an idea to the Chazon Ish about the yeshiva world. He wanted to differentiate between two types of yeshivos. One would be for the brightest, most excellent of students and the other for those with limited capabilities. He felt that this would allow for the future leaders of Torah to grow in an atmosphere conducive to their talents and the others, too, would gain without facing challenges too difficult for them.

The Chazon Ish was adamantly opposed to such an arrangement. He explained that we never know who will emerge as those future leaders. It could be that through mesirus nefesh and diligence, an apparently limited talmid would rapidly grow into the gadol we would later revere and seek for guidance. As we now know, the Netziv of Volozhin was one such initially weak talmid, as was Rav Pesach Pruskin, the rebbi of none other than the posek hador, Rav Moshe Feinstein. Not only do we never know, but Mattan Torah was for everyone, because we are all invited to the wedding. Yes, sometimes we have to get up and feed ourselves — Torah and middos — but if we make the effort, we will own the Kabbolas HaTorah and can grow beyond what anyone, including ourselves, thought was possible. May we all have a successful and productive Shavuos, growing by leaps and bounds at the most beautiful wedding of all.

Last Shabbos, the Shabbos before Shavuos, is always Parshas Bamidbar. It is known by some as Shabbos Derech Eretz. The Mishnah in Avos teaches us that derech eretz kodmah laTorah, that proper conduct precedes Torah, and so before we can receive the Torah on Shavuos, we pause for a Shabbos of mentchlichkeit, of refinement, of derech eretz.

But for many Americans, it had a different name. President Trump named it Shabbos 250 in honor of the United States semiquincentennial. I guess that our president, who has no qualms about vilifying his opponents and is not known for his genteel civility, chose another name for the Shabbos. But that is fine.

After all, as part of his Jewish American Heritage Month proclamation, he designated this past Shabbos a “National Sabbath” as part of his vision to “Rededicate 250” in honor of the 250th anniversary of American Independence.

And honestly? Credit where credit is due. This is a president who, whatever else one wants to say about him, has shown a genuine warmth toward the Jewish people, one that we have not always enjoyed from the Oval Office. He moved the embassy to Yerushalayim when every predecessor balked. He pardoned Sholom Mordechai Rubashkin. And has surrounded himself with Jewish advisors who keep Shabbos, daven three times a day, and don’t think twice about leaving the West Wing early on a Friday afternoon. So when the man asks his Jewish citizens to honor the Shabbos, the appropriate first response is not cynicism.

I am not exactly sure what Shabbos has to do with the 250th anniversary of American independence. The president advocating for shemiras Shabbos is quite a curious notion, but, in fact, many Yidden were kvelling. After all, no sitting president ever asked Jews to keep Shabbos. George Washington wrote a nice haskamah letter to the Touro Synagogue. President Reagan gave a drosha at Temple Hillel, where former Ambassador David Friedman’s father served as the rabbi. But “Yidden, heet Shabbos!” — words immortalized by the Munkatcher Rebbe — were not expected to be echoed by Donald Trump.

Like all things Jewish, and all things Trump, the reaction was mixed. Some were excited, others suspicious.

Truth be told, he is not the first political figure to make the pitch. Connecticut Senator Joe Lieberman, who was shomer Shabbos his entire career in Washington, wrote a book in 2011 called The Gift of Rest, an open exposition on Shabbos addressed to both Jewish and non-Jewish audiences, with across-the-board endorsements from leaders of the Mormons, the Southern Baptists, and of course prominent Jews. Even Charlie Kirk, the conservative activist killed last year, left behind a posthumous bestseller called Stop, in the Name of G-d, about the value of keeping a Shabbos. Shabbos has somehow become a crossover product. The world, it seems, has discovered or are at least becoming curious about what we have been doing in our homes and shuls since Har Sinai.

But as much as the world dabbles in this “day of rest” idea, we can’t forget that Shabbos is exclusively our and belongs to no one else. It is that special sign, the ois between the Ribono Shel Olam and Klal Yisroel alone. Not for the world. Not even for the world to experiment with. Akum sheshovas chayov misah. A nochri who keeps Shabbos in the way that we do crosses a line. It is our sign, our signature, our weekly testimony that Hashem made the world in six days and rested on the seventh, and that we, His chosen, were the ones who said na’aseh venishma when everyone else refused even to read. Even for a nishma first.

Which is exactly why, charming as the president’s gesture was, we cannot afford to outsource our Shabbos to the goodwill of the goyim. We are the guardians. The umos ha’olam may admire the institution from a respectful distance, and that is sweet, but the responsibility for protecting Shabbos belongs to us alone, and history has more than once required us to prove it.

Think of the Shabbos marches in pre-war Europe, when frum Yidden in Lithuania, even in Germany, paraded through the streets to protest the Sabbath desecration that was creeping into Jewish life. Think of the great Shabbos rallies in New York and Chicago in the early twentieth century, when our great-grandparents who had crossed an ocean and lost jobs every Monday morning for keeping the seventh day took to the streets to demand that Shabbos be honored in the home, the shul, and the workplace. Rav Yaakov Yosef Herman, of All for the Boss fame, lost positions, lost income, and lost respectability in the eyes of his neighbors all because Shabbos was non-negotiable. They didn’t have presidential proclamations. They had mesirus nefesh.

It did not come with slogans, or pomp and internet sign-ups, or half-baked commitments to make a president proud. It came with mesirus nefesh for the entire Shabbos to make the Ribono Shel Olam proud. And as gracious as the president is, let’s not forget our job.

A talmid of Rav Shlomo Freifeld once told me how he was the driver for my zaide, Rav Yaakov Kamenetzky, together with Rav Yitzchok Hutner. The driver got lost in an area of Brooklyn not friendly to bearded rabbis. As he meandered through the mean streets, Rav Hutner became nervous. “Freg a politzmahn,” he implored. “Ask a policeman.” My zaide, well versed in the streets of Neherda’ah, said, “Don’t worry. Go two blocks. Make a left. After the first light, another left. Then an immediate right, and there’s the entrance to the highway.” Rav Hutner was insistent. “Please. Ask a policeman.” So the bochur found a police car and asked. The officer took one look at the two sages in the back seat, understood the gravity of the situation, and began: “Turn around, go four blocks, and make a left. After the first light, another left. Then an immediate right and you’ll see the entrance to the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway.”

My zaide turned to his dear friend with a smile. “Nu, Reb Yitzchok. Az d’goy zugt, dos iz es besser? When the gentile tells you, are you happier?”

It is a fair question to carry into Shavuos. Yes, we were flattered by the Presidential Proclamation. Yes, we appreciate the president’s recognition. But our Shabbos was beautiful before it was a “National Sabbath,” and it will be beautiful long after the bunting from the 250th comes down, even if it is only a comparable handful of Yidden keeping Shabbos kehilchasa.

This week, as we did 3,338 years ago, we stand at Har Sinai again and once again answer na’aseh venishma before we’ve even heard the question. The other nations were offered the Torah and passed on it. We said yes before we read the fine print. The Ohr Hameir, a talmid of Rav Zev Wolf of Zhitomir, who was a talmid of the Maggid of Mezritch, explains that shemiras Shabbos is a weekly embodiment of that very na’aseh venishma. We stop creating, we surrender control, and we enter Hashem’s world before we fully understand it. Every Shabbos, we relive the moment our nation chose emunah before everything.

That may not be what the president had in mind, but it is certainly what we must have in mind.

So thank you, Mr. President. The recognition is appreciated, the warmth is felt, and the gesture is historic.

But the gift of Shabbos was never in question for the people who already knew it. We were guarding it in Hungary. We were guarding it on the Lower East Side. We were guarding it in Kelm and Slabodka and Telshe. We are guarding it now. We will not have to wait another 250 years for another National Shabbos.

For Trump, it may be Shabbos 250.

For us, it’s Shabbos 3,338.

Just Saying.

Rav Dov Landau’s Statement Sends the Country into a Tizzy

The Israeli political world is in an uproar. While we projected last week that the next election will take place in half a year, on Tuesday, 16 Cheshvan 5787/October 27, 2026, the events of the end of the week changed everything. It all began with a statement issued by Rav Dov Landau, especially the instructions in his own handwriting that accompanied it. This reshuffled the deck and may have set the stage for sweeping change.

The biggest question at this moment is what the chareidi parties will do: Will they spearhead an initiative to move up the election, or will they leave the date of the election in place but act as if the current government does not exist? Then there is another question, although it concerns a scenario that doesn’t seem very realistic right now: What will happen if Netanyahu manages to have the draft law quickly passed at the beginning of the week? Will the chareidim return to business as usual? Will they even return to the government? (Remember, the chareidi ministers resigned from their positions in protest over the failure to pass a draft law.) The reason this seems unrealistic is that even Netanyahu might have no real interest in passing the law at this time. He might prefer to enter an election without having passed the draft law, which is bound to be one of the hot topics of the election campaign. On the other hand, he does have a good reason to pass the law immediately—so that the chareidi parties do not look for different partners after the election. Moreover, if he wants to pass the law in the coming days, he may encounter less resistance within the ranks of his own party. The Likud members are beginning to understand that their opposition to the draft law might lead to the fall of the right-wing government in the next election.

What grabbed the country’s attention in particular was Rav Landau’s declaration that the chareidim will no longer maintain their allegiance to the right-wing bloc. In the past, the chareidi parties worked with all their might to ensure that the political right would remain in power; that will no longer be true. Everyone began talking about the prospect of an early election as if it was sensational news, but let’s put things in perspective. For one thing, the opposition has no real reason to celebrate, since they aren’t really in the picture. If the government falls, it will have nothing to do with their efforts, and if the election is moved up, they will not be able to claim credit for it. They have no impact on these events. Another point, no less important, is that even if the election takes place earlier, it will be moved up only by a month or two; the difference isn’t all that dramatic.

This week, coalition members Ofir Katz (the coalition whip and a member of the Likud party), Uri Maklev, Yinon Azulai, Tzvika Fogel (of Ben-Gvir’s party), and Ohad Tal (also of Ben-Gvir’s party) submitted a bill to dissolve the Knesset. Let me repeat that: This bill came from members of the coalition. If an early election is inevitable, the coalition prefers to have it result from a bill they submit rather than one that comes from the opposition. This is a political move rather than a matter of public image; the coalition prefers to remain in control of every political measure.

An Election in Elul May Benefit the Religious Parties

As soon as the Knesset approves a bill for its own dissolution, the law determines the sequence of events that ensues. The bill may even pass this Wednesday, before Shavuos, given that the opposition has promised to introduce their own bills to dissolve the Knesset then, in the hope that they will receive the support of at least some of the chareidi representatives. Personally, however, I beg to differ with the confidence expressed by Lapid and company. I don’t think that any chareidi member of the Knesset will support the bill, at least to avoid supporting sinners. At the same time, the Likud might decide to bring its own bill to the Knesset for a vote, which would receive the support of the coalition. And if that happens, the government will enter a transitional period before the election. But while it is possible that this will occur on Wednesday, I would wager that it won’t happen all that fast. After all, there is no real rush. According to the timetable set forth in the law, the election will not be held before the end of Elul in any event. Therefore, the most we can expect is for the election to be advanced by about a month and a half.

For the chareidi parties, however, this difference in timing may make a very big difference. If the election is moved up to Tuesday, September 15, for instance, it will take place on the fourth of Tishrei, or the day after Tzom Gedaliah, in the middle of the Aseres Yemei Teshuvah. This would be an excellent development for the chareidi parties, especially the Shas party. It is a time when tens of thousands of Jews who are tempted to vote for all sorts of other parties come to the Kosel every night to recite Selichos, and it is certainly an excellent time for the chareidim to attract voters. Even if the election is moved up to September 1 or September 8, a week or two prior to the Aseres Yemei Teshuvah, it will still be taking place toward the end of Elul and just before Rosh Hashanah¸ when the Jewish spark and commitment to tradition within every Jew can more easily be rekindled. For the Shas party in particular, with its vast Sephardic voter base, this is an especially conducive time to attract undecided voters. The Likud party, meanwhile, has no objection to the chareidim receiving more votes on account of the election’s timing, but only on the condition that the right-wing bloc remains intact.

Meanwhile, there are others in the government, such as Prime Minister Netanyahu and Justice Minister Yariv Levin, who are not interested in having the election moved up even by a single day. They would prefer to use all the time remaining to them to pass new laws that will help them remain in power or at least will restrict the power of the Supreme Court. Finance Minister Smotrich is likewise uninterested in an early election, since he is in the middle of creating a budgetary revolution for the settlements in Yehuda and Shomron. He would prefer to have the election held later, after he has finished allocating funds for those communities; he believes that he will fare better at that time, whereas the current polls are showing his party floundering around the threshold.

In short, we have an interesting week ahead of us, and possibly an interesting month. Of course, that is nothing new; we are often living in interesting times here in Israel.

The Right–Wing Bloc May Retain Its Strength

Everyone has known all along that there would be an election within the next few months, but now that there is a possibility that it will be held earlier, all the political parties have been thrown into turmoil—the Likud party above all. Everyone in the Likud was preparing for primaries, but the dozens of candidates—those who are in the Knesset and hope to be reelected, and those who are not yet in the Knesset but hope to join its ranks—will have to move up their own preparations now as well. And there is another important point to keep in mind: According to the party constitution, a new party member must complete a 16-month qualifying period in order to be eligible to participate in the Likud primaries for the Knesset list. This means that anyone who joined the party in recent months will be able to vote in the primaries only if the general election and the primaries are held on their original dates. But if the Knesset dissolves earlier and the election is moved up, the Likud primaries will be held earlier as well. In that case, according to estimates within the party, between 10,000 and 20,000 new party members will not have completed their qualifying periods and will not be able to participate in the vote.

Now, why should this interest us? I will tell you a secret: There are thousands of chareidim who registered in the Likud as new members. This doesn’t mean that they would vote for the Likud in the general election, but they will certainly vote in the primaries. And their votes can make a very big difference.

But let’s take a look at the other side of the political map as well. As you know, there has already been one merger in the anti-Netanyahu camp: Naftoli Bennett and Yair Lapid have joined forces. It was very unclear if this alliance would bear fruit, and for the time being, the polls show that it hasn’t made much of a difference. Lately, there has been talk of another merger, this time between Gadi Eizenkot and Yvette Lieberman. Each of them heads a party that is worth between seven and ten mandates in the Knesset, and they hope that a union between the two parties will create a whole that is greater than the sum of its parts, leading them to rake in at least twenty mandates. The final goal is ostensibly for all four parties to unite, in the hope that they will be able to cross the threshold of 61 mandates as a bloc. That hope, however, is the stuff of fantasy. The opposition can never win 61 mandates on their own; they actually hope to cross that threshold with the Arabs’ support and to establish a coalition along with them. The opposition might not admit to this, but it is truly the only option for them, and it would be a very bad scenario for the chareidim. For now, however, the right-wing bloc has been maintaining its strength, and all the polls show the Likud party emerging as the largest party in the next election as well.

What about the chareidi parties? Rumor has it that Shas is planning to replace some of its representatives in the Knesset; however, I am not sure if that is true. The Shas party members in the Knesset have all been highly successful. Within United Torah Judaism, which includes both Degel HaTorah and Agudas Yisroel, there will probably be the usual arguments over the rotation agreement and which faction will lead the slate, and each faction will threaten to run separately, but there will be a shared list in the end as always. Will any of the representatives be replaced? Degel HaTorah has no reason to replace anyone, and within Agudas Yisroel, of course, it depends on what the rebbes decide. At this point, the Agudah is represented by Yitzchok Goldknopf of Ger, Yisroel Eichler of Belz, Yaakov Tessler of Vizhnitz, and Moishe Roth of Sanz. I would project that none of them will leave.

Free Speech Meets Double Standards

Naftoli Bennett recently filed a libel suit against Minister Idit Silman, a former member of his party who was actually responsible for bringing down the infamous Lapid-Bennett government. Silman claimed that Bennett took psychiatric medication, in a bid to demonstrate that he is psychologically fragile and not suited to lead the country, and Bennett decided to take her to court for it. It is unclear why this would be considered a libelous statement, given that we live in a generation when no one is ashamed—or, at least, no one is supposed to be ashamed—of suffering from emotional disorders. It is said that half the country has been categorized as suffering from anxiety, while the other half lives on antidepressants. In any event, keeping in mind that Bennett decided to sue Silman, one must wonder why he felt justified commenting, “Because of the chareidim, our soldiers are being killed.” What could possibly justify voicing that thought, which is surely more slanderous than any comment about someone’s mental state? Bennett has apparently failed to hold himself to the same standards that he imposes on his critics.

Are you wondering, perhaps, if this was a single slip that does not represent Bennett’s true mindset? Unfortunately, that is not the case. This week, after the chief of staff of the IDF addressed the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, Bennett repeated his claim: “The ongoing draft evasion is costing the lives of our soldiers.” This clearly wasn’t a fluke; on the contrary, it is part of an organized campaign. And accusing others of causing the deaths of soldiers is far worse than claiming that a politician takes medication for anxiety.

Yair Lapid, Bennett’s close ally, is guilty of the same incitement and slander. Yesh Atid regularly sends text messages to anyone whose phone number is recorded in their database of supporters. About a month ago, Lapid wrote to his voters, “Pay attention: The government stole millions of shekels of your money in the middle of the night and passed it on to Deri and chareidi activists. You fight in the army, you run to bomb shelters, and they steal. Now is the time to lift up your heads; Yesh Atid will put an end to this thievery and return the money to the public. You can count on us.” Again, why is this appalling rhetoric permitted at all?

This, at least, can help us understand the common ground between Bennett 2026 and Yesh Atid. These two political parties are toxic, their rhetoric dripping with venom. But our question stands: Why are they permitted to speak in ways that are prohibited to others such as Idit Silman? In fact, the left seems to have given itself the right to make any statement of any kind, no matter how vicious or slanderous it is. And that is aside from the fact that they have launched a massive campaign of delegitimization against the current government and the chareidi public, branding them as enemies of the state and parasites.

Drone Crosses Border, Injuring Three

Last week, I wrote about the problem of the Hezbollah drones. These primitive, simple devices have proven themselves quite dangerous. The highly advanced Israeli army does not know how to contend with a weapon that is so old and unsophisticated. The drones have already killed several IDF soldiers in Lebanon, and over the past two weeks, 17 victims were evacuated to Rambam Hospital in Haifa suffering from various degrees of injuries inflicted by the explosive drones. A soldier who visited a wounded friend related, “Almost every day, helicopters have been landing here carrying soldiers wounded by the drones. The Israeli forces in Lebanon are completely exposed, and no one knows when a drone is about to strike, since there are no warning systems. The drone simply appears and explodes. It is insane that the army still hasn’t come up with a development to prevent these drone strikes, which are the greatest threat facing our troops in Lebanon now.”

Another soldier serving in Lebanon added, “Our troops have not received any instructions for dealing with this threat. The only means of protection we have is the fishing nets placed on military vehicles. The drones with fiber optic cables arrive quietly, taking our soldiers by surprise. The forces are constantly worried about the threat, since they don’t know when or where the drones will catch them. There is no way to intercept these drones, which have become the greatest nightmare of our forces in Lebanon.”

A doctor reported that the soldiers wounded by the drones suffered injuries primarily on their faces, necks, arms, and legs, areas of the body that have less protection. A helmet and sturdy vest can prevent more serious injuries.

The defense establishment is working around the clock to find a solution that will reduce the drone threat level within a period of days to weeks. Over 100 proposals have already been examined, and some of those ideas will indeed be implemented for soldiers in the field. This week, it was reported that combat teams in southern Lebanon are expected to receive drone-detection kits. Defense officials admit that the equipment isn’t 100 percent effective, but it is a system that might give the soldiers the priceless seconds they need to take cover when an incoming drone is detected. Meanwhile, as you probably understood, the IDF has been protecting its vehicles, and sometimes its soldiers, with a type of netting that is supposed to catch a drone several meters before impact.

Last weekend, a drone crossed the border and injured three Israeli civilians, one of whom was critically wounded. The victims were struck in the parking lot of the grotto site at Rosh HaNikra, near the Lebanese border. The victims, residents of Metulla, are workers at the tourist site, which is currently closed to visitors. The IDF condemned the drone strike as a “blatant violation of the understandings of the ceasefire on the part of the terror organization Hezbollah.” Residents of the north, meanwhile, accused the government of abandoning them and called for the fighting in Lebanon to increase and for Hezbollah to be completely eliminated. The prime minister has already talked about eradicating both Hezbollah and Hamas, but it seems that the IDF hasn’t yet fully accomplished that goal.

Moshiach Patch Infuriates Chief of Staff

A major uproar erupted last week over an incident in the IDF. One might say that this incident illustrates the army’s lack of tolerance and accommodation for chareidim; however, it is possible that the chief of staff was correct and that the issue was one of discipline rather than religion.

Here is what happened: Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir paid a visit to soldiers from the Nachal Brigade serving in the Shomron. Many of the soldiers in the brigade are religious, and Zamir encountered a soldier wearing a patch with the word “Moshiach” on his uniform. These patches have become somewhat fashionable in the army in recent times, perhaps as part of the general atmosphere of greater spiritual awareness in the country as a whole since October 7. However, the chief of staff complained to the soldier’s commander about the patch and ordered him to be disciplined, and the soldier was sentenced to 30 days in military prison.

When the story became public, it triggered a firestorm of outrage. The backlash against the chief of staff and the commander was ferocious. Parents of soldiers wrote bitterly, “The facts cry out to the heavens. This is a soldier who just completed two rounds of fighting in Lebanon. He doesn’t wear a yarmulke at all, but he chose to wear a patch expressing a common sentiment of hope and faith among Am Yisroel and its soldiers. This soldier was in the middle of a shift on guard duty when the chief of staff noticed him, and instead of being appreciated for his service, he found himself placed behind bars for a full month and removed from the battlefield. This is not the way to treat a hero. Belief in the coming of Moshiach has been a cornerstone of Jewish history and culture,” the parents continued. “It has accompanied us throughout the exile, amid pogroms and revivals. When the chief of staff of the Israel Defense Force chooses to send a soldier to jail for expressing basic Jewish faith, he is spitting in the faces of thousands of fighters, religious and secular alike, who draw their courage from tradition and faith. The army of the Jews cannot and does not need to fight against its faith.”

The parents demanded the soldier’s immediate release, and his mother wrote an emotional letter as well.

The army tried to minimize the damage by defending its actions. The commander of the brigade wrote to the soldiers, “It is important for you to know that the full responsibility rests on me. I acted as I did because discipline is a basic value that begins with us, the commanders, and encompasses all our soldiers. Unfortunately, the lack of discipline both in operational events and on routine duty is a threat to human life. The patch isn’t the real story here; the story is the values that we teach. The Nachal Brigade must serve as an example and a model in this area as well; that is our duty. Anything is preferable to a soldier being killed because of a lack of discipline. I believe in this path, and the background noise around it is part of it. Please ignore it.” In other words, he insisted that the soldier wearing the patch was punished to preserve discipline, not for ideological reasons.

What is the truth here? Is the army fighting against any display of Jewish faith, or is it merely part of an effort to enforce military discipline, including the rule against wearing anything that is not part of a military uniform? I imagine that the truth lies somewhere in the middle.

Netanyahu’s Secret Trip to Abu Dhabi

This wasn’t the only news story that caused an uproar in Israel this week. Last Wednesday, the Prime Minister’s Office released an official statement consisting of a couple of lines: “In the middle of Operation Roaring Lion, Prime Minister Binyomin Netanyahu secretly visited the United Arab Emirates and met with the president of the UAE, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed. This visit led to a historic breakthrough in relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates.”

This led to a veritable explosion among the public. Why was it necessary to publicize the matter, especially at this time? What did Netanyahu hope to gain? For now, it is impossible to determine the answers to these questions. It might have been an effort to drum up further public approval in advance of the election, or perhaps to distract the public from the furor over the draft law. Alternatively, it is possible that the story had already been leaked and Netanyahu preferred to announce it publicly before anyone else would report it. In any event, it certainly caught the country’s attention.

Perhaps I should elaborate a bit on this story. The secret visit took place during the war, on March 26, and was several hours long. Netanyahu visited the city of Al Ain, which is on the border between the UAE and Oman and is about 250 kilometers from the coast of Iran. Interestingly, on the very same day, the commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards’ navy was eliminated.

The response from the Foreign Ministry of the United Arab Emirates was surprisingly furious: “The United Arab Emirates denies the reports being spread regarding the visit of Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu to this country or a reception for any Israeli military delegation on its territory. The UAE emphasizes that its relations with Israel are open relations established within the framework of the Abraham Accords and are not based on secrecy or confidential arrangements. Any claim of visits or arrangements that were not announced to the public has no basis in fact, unless it was publicized by officially authorized bodies in the United Arab Emirates.”

This begs the question: If the public announcement of Netanyahu’s visit angered them so greatly, why did Israel reveal it?

In light of the denial, Netanyahu’s former chief of staff, Ziv Agmon—who was dismissed after he was recorded mocking Knesset members from the Likud party—published his version of the story: “Having accompanied the prime minister on this historic trip, which was top secret until today, I can attest that the prime minister received a royal reception in Abu Dhabi. The sheikh honored the prime minister greatly and personally transported him in his private vehicle from the plane to his palace. The things that the prime minister accomplished during this visit will be spoken about for generations.”

Without getting into all the details or understanding all the motivations, I can say one thing with certainty: Leaving Israel for another country, especially an Arab country, in the middle of a war and spending at least a day and a half there without anyone’s knowledge is an incredible accomplishment on its own. In the modern era, when everything is exposed to the public and it is almost impossible to keep a secret, it is amazing that Netanyahu was able to leave Israel for two days and meet with the head of an Arab state without anyone being aware of it.

Despite Global Turmoil, the Judges Continue Attacking Bnei Torah

The world is in a state of upheaval, whether it is in Ukraine, in China, or in the Straits of Hormuz. Israel is at war and the residents of the north are trembling with fear … yet the Supreme Court is going about its business as always. And that business, unfortunately, is the business of persecuting the chareidi public. Anti-religious organizations and other entities are still filing petitions against anything and everything connected to chareidim, and the judges continue listening to their petitions and issuing verdicts intended to restrict and suffocate the chareidim even more. No one can deny that they are driven by powerful hatred for the Torah and those who study it, along with the single-minded goal of toppling the Netanyahu government. The leftists are doing everything in their power to frustrate the chareidim, hoping that their frustration will spill over to Netanyahu and break the alliance between them. Among the latest petitions, one was filed by a Reform organization known as Chiddush, while another came from a member of the Knesset who belongs to the Labor party (which has since renamed itself the Democrats party). The petitioners’ identities are all we need to know in order to divine their motives.

The Knesset Finance Committee previously approved a transfer of 1.1 billion shekels for chareidi schools. These funds, as usual, had mostly been transferred to the schools already during the academic year of 5786 and were approved retroactively by the committee (although the Finance Ministry approved the actual transfers before they took place). The petitioners immediately complained to the Supreme Court that the retroactive approvals were illegal, and the judges accepted their arguments and demanded explanations. The government explained that this is a standard procedure and that the judges themselves receive salaries that are approved only retroactively, after they have been paid for the year. This didn’t exactly convince the judges, but after it became clear that most of the money had already been transferred in practice, the judges decided that it was a fait accompli and there was no reason for them to issue a ruling. During that hearing, Treasury representatives argued that it has been the standard practice for years for the government to approve expenditures at the end of the year even after they were already carried out.

However, the petitions quickly expanded to encompass the legitimacy of the funding itself, and the petitioners argued that the funding is illegal because chareidi schools do not actually teach the core curriculum. That is, even though the schools declare that they do teach the core subjects (in the case of girls’ schools or the lower classes in the chareidi school networks), the petitioners claimed that it is untrue. The judges discussed this issue last weekend and ordered the state to explain how it verifies that schools receiving government funding are indeed teaching the core curriculum of secular subjects. The judges decided that the government must answer their question within two weeks and that the Supreme Court would issue an amended interim order permitting the transfer of funds only to such schools.

In other words, the chareidi school system is about to absorb another economic blow.

It should also be clear that this isn’t the end of the story. The judge asked the government representatives, “How can you trust schools that claim to teach the core curriculum when they admit that they do not have teachers who are trained to teach those subjects?” One can already guess that the judges will rule that the government is not permitted to fund such schools even if they claim to be teaching the core curriculum, unless they can prove that they actually do so and can identify teachers on their faculties who are qualified in those fields.

Another stunning turnaround.

Another dissident once denounced as a dangerous conspiracy theorist now sitting at the peak of power — armed with the authority to act.

Four years ago, Tulsi Gabbard was just a private citizen, a former Hawaiian congresswoman who went public with her concerns about a sprawling network of U.S.-funded biological laboratories operating overseas.

Back in March 2022, Gabbard publicly accused the Biden administration of concealing the existence of biolabs in Ukraine and other foreign countries, and researching dangerous pathogens.

Her warning came days after senior Biden official Victoria Nuland acknowledged during congressional testimony that Ukraine possessed “biological research facilities” — a statement that contradicted wholesale denials circulating from government officials and major media outlets.

As reported by Yated at the time, Nuland was responding to questions from then Senator Marco Rubio of Florida (now Secretary of State), during her testimony at a March 2022 hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee:

Sen. Marco Rubio: Does Ukraine have chemical or biological weapons?

Victoria Nuland: Ukraine has biological research facilities, which in fact, we are now quite concerned Russian forces may be seeking to gain control of. So, we are working with the Ukrainians on how they can prevent any of those research materials from falling into the hands of Russian forces should they approach.”

Nuland’s testimony was seen by many as confirmation that the United States was in fact funding bioweapons facilities in Ukraine.

Sounding the Alarm

“There are 25 plus U.S.-funded biolabs in Ukraine, which, if breached, would release and spread deadly pathogens to the United States and the world, causing untold suffering and death,” Gabbard said in a podcast. She called for the labs to be secured and the pathogens destroyed, emphasizing the biosecurity risks, and warning of possible outbreaks.

“Instead of covering this up,” she urged, “the Biden-Harris administration needs to work with Russia, Ukraine, the EU, the UN, NATO and all relevant parties to immediately implement a cease-fire in the vicinity of these labs until they’re secured and all these pathogens destroyed.”

Gabbard noted that in addition to the biolabs in Ukraine, “the United States funds over 100 such facilities around the world that are engaging in dangerous research, including gain of function similar to the lab in Wuhan.”

“After realizing how dangerous and vulnerable these labs are, they should have all been shut down two years ago,” Gabbard insisted. “But they have not been.”

“Why is this research something that is so critical, not being done in secure labs within the United States?” Gabbard asked on a Fox News show in 2023. “Why is this research being outsourced? And if they have nothing to hide, why are they trying so hard to hide it?”

Another witness at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing that heard the shocking testimony from Victoria Nuland was Dr. Steven Quay, chief executive officer at Atossa Therapeutics Inc. He co-wrote a Wall Street Journal column citing four studies that provide strong evidence for the lab-leak theory.

One study, published by Nature Medicine, concluded the original Covid-19 pathogen was 99.5% optimized for human infection, which is strong confirmation of the lab-leak hypothesis.

Quay was asked at the Senate hearing by Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., if he was concerned about the expansion of Chinese GOF research. In response, Quay pointed out that in December 2019, Chinese researchers were “doing synthetic biology on a cloning vector of the Nipah virus, which is 60% lethal.”

“We just experienced a 1% lethal virus,” Quay said, referring to Covid-19. Noting the Black Plague “was a 20% lethal event that set the world back 250 years, a pandemic of the Nipah virus (associated with encephalitis, a severe swelling of the brain), would set us back a millennium.”

‘Conspiracy Queen’

As a May 2025 Yated article reported, Gabbard made allegations about the Biden administration covering up its funding of overseas biolabs when the federal and media censorship machine was running at full speed.

Not surprisingly, she was immediately mocked as the queen of conspiracy theories and trashed by Democrats in Congress and their media allies.

“Tulsi Gabbard is parroting false Russian propaganda. Her treasonous lies may well cost lives,” Senator Mitt Romney spewed out.

USA Today raced to “fact check,” slamming Gabbard’s allegations as “Russian disinformation.”

“Russia Teams Up with China to Amplify False Claim of U.S. labs in Ukraine,” the paper’s headlines warned darkly.

Forbes, Newsweek, the New York Times and many other mainstream outlets joined in the attack.

By 2024, Homeland Security had branded Tulsi Gabbard a security threat and placed her on the Secondary Security Screening Selection (“SSSS”) travel restriction list for ‘enhanced’ searches at airports. (DHS later claimed it was a ‘mistake.’)

It’s worth recalling the false messaging that came from the highest levels of the federal government at this time. In a March 9, 2022, statement, the Biden administration denied the existence of “US-owned or US-operated chemical or biological laboratories in Ukraine,” dismissing the claims as Chinese and Russian propaganda.

“The Russian accusations are absurd. They’re laughable. There is nothing to it,” White House Press Secretary John Kirby told a news conference. “It’s classic Russian propaganda. If I were you, I wouldn’t give it a drop of ink worth paying attention to.”

Stunning Reversal

Today, Tulsi Gabbard holds the post of Director of the Office of National Intelligence, one of the most powerful intelligence agencies in the world.

According to an “exclusive report” in the NY Post last week, Gabbard has opened an investigation into those same foreign biolabs she warned about in 2022— transforming a subject once spurned as malign “misinformation” and conspiracy theory into a vital national security concern.

The DNI announced her office’s investigation of more than 120 biological laboratories abroad that the U.S. government had allegedly funded for decades. The Biden administration’s denials and dishonest messaging about the biolabs are now the subject of intense scrutiny.

The Post quoted the Director of National Intelligence saying her team is going “to identify where these labs are, what pathogens they contain and what ‘research’ is being conducted.”

The goal is “to end dangerous gain-of-function research—risky experiments aimed at making viruses more deadly—that threatens the health and well-being of the American people and the world,” Gabbard said.

“The COVID-19 pandemic revealed the catastrophic global impact research on dangerous pathogens in biolabs can have,” Gabbard told the NY Post. “Yet despite the known, obvious dangers, politicians, so-called health professionals, like Dr. Fauci, and many within the Biden administration’s national security team, lied to the American people about the existence of these US-funded and supported biolabs.”

‘Worse, they threatened those who attempted to expose the truth.”

Trump Bars All Funding for Gain-of-Function Research

In May of last year, President Trump signed an Executive Order immediately halting all U.S. government funding for gain-of-function research “in China, Iran and other foreign countries.” 

“Dangerous gain-of-function research on biological agents and pathogens has the potential to significantly endanger the lives of American citizens,” the order reads. “If left unrestricted, its effects can include widespread mortality, an impaired public health system, disrupted American livelihoods, and diminished economic and national security.

“The Biden Administration allowed dangerous gain-of-function research within the United States with insufficient levels of oversight,” the Order noted.

In a statement to the press, Trump reasoned that Covid-19 had proved that dangerous pathogens “can leak out innocently, stupidly and incompetently, and half destroy the world.”

According to the U.S. Department of Defense, from 2014 to 2023, the United States funded overseas pathogen research with $1.4 billion. However, during the same period, the Department of Defense Office of Inspector General could not even identify how many studies on potential pandemic pathogens (PPP) were conducted with this money.

The explosive clause in Trump’s order detailing U.S. government funding for gain-of-function research “in China, Iran and other foreign countries” should have dominated headlines. Instead, the media largely ignored it — as though the prospect of deadly pathogens falling into the hands of hostile regimes was not worth mentioning. [See Sidebar]

Under new guidance from Gabbard, the U.S. Intelligence Community will review research at all US-funded biolabs, particularly at facilities where gain-of-function experiments could increase the transmissibility and lethality of viruses.

National Intelligence officials noted that the foreign labs extend into more than 30 countries, and date all the way back to a Department of Defense program that sought to dispose of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) after the end of the Cold War.

More than 40 of the biolabs under review are located in Ukraine — and could “be at risk of compromise” due to Russia’s war, National Intelligence officials noted.

Subterfuge Kept the Grant Money Flowing

In 2014, the Obama administration paused funding for gain-of-function experiments in 22 fields, including those involving SARS, influenza and MERS, because of the increased risk such experimentation carries of causing a pandemic.

Yet EcoHealth Alliance director Peter Daszak, reportedly in collusion with Fauci, diverted $600,000 in grants from the NIH to the Wuhan Institute of Virology to a lab known to have engaged in GOF experimentation.

Gabbard’s office, working alongside NIH leadership and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), has set out to trace the paper trail of NIH grants linked to the Wuhan Institute of Virology, targeting gain-of-function research and its potential role in causing the pandemic through a lab-leak.

Her office has launched a comprehensive probe into more than 120 overseas biolabs that have received U.S. tax dollars, aiming to catalog the pathogens and research being conducted.

The administration has published details about the financial links between U.S. agencies and the Wuhan lab, actively focusing on former NIH director Dr. Anthony Fauci’s role in the funding.

During a recent television appearance, Tulsi Gabbard went further than any senior U.S. official in publicly addressing Fauci’s alleged role in pathogenenic research. She said that preliminary findings “make it clear that Anthony Fauci helped fund the research” that in all likelihood “caused the pandemic.”

“We are working on being able to share that specific link very soon,” Gabbard said, hinting that Fauci may be at the top of those soon to be subpoenaed. “During a Senate hearing on May 11, 2021, Fauci said under oath that the NIH never carried out gain-of-function research in Wuhan. He denied the allegations over and over to Senator Rand Paul. But the facts say otherwise. Is it any wonder that he sought a preemptive pardon from President Biden?”

“And the reason why this is so important is not just what happened in the past,” the National Intelligence director continued. “It’s because this gain-of-function research is happening in biolabs around the world. Who knows what kinds of pathogens are in these labs that could create another Covid-like pandemic?”

Secretary of War Pete Hegseth said the Trump administration is righting the wrongs of the Biden administration.

“The prior administration bankrolled dangerous gain-of-function research and foreign biolabs with American tax dollars, then deliberately hid it from the American people,” Hegseth said in a statement.

“The declassification of this discovery shows how little oversight this work had. Under President Trump’s leadership, DNI Tulsi Gabbard and the entire Cabinet are righting these historic wrongs and delivering justice for those on the front lines and the ones they protect. The era of lies and betrayal is over.”

***

A Time Bomb Built Over Decades

In May 2025, standing at President Trump’s side in the Oval Office as the president signed the newest executive order, HHS Secretary Robert Kennedy detailed the little-known history of how gain-of-function and bioweapons research in this country accelerated so drastically over the past seven decades.

“GOF research began in 1947. By 1969,” Kennedy said, “the CIA said it had reached nuclear-level equivalency [as a potential bioweapon,] that it could kill the entire U.S. population for $0.29 per person.”

The HHS director recapped how GOF research was recognized early on as a dangerous, fruitless avenue. Leaders who sought to shut it down, however, were outmaneuvered by individuals who championed the experimentation.

“By 1969, President Nixon went to Fort Deitrich and announced a unilateral end to gain-of-function research, which was called ‘dual use’ research, meaning it was intended for both vaccination development and military purposes,” Kennedy said.

“Nixon then persuaded 180 countries to sign the bioweapons charter of 1973 that ended gain-of-function research around the globe.”

A fateful twist came with the passage of the Patriot Act in 2002 following the September 11 attacks on the Twin Towers, the HHS chief recounted. “The Patriot Act had a little-known provision in it that said that although the Bioweapons Charter and the Geneva Charter are still in effect, US officials who violated it cannot be prosecuted.”

“That relaunched the bioweapons arms race, and that was driven by gain-of-function research,” he said.

***

Lab Accident Caused Ebola Outbreak

Experts say that in 2014, several pathogens escaped from U.S. labs in Africa, causing the deadly Ebola virus outbreak in West Africa.  President Obama declared a moratorium on future use of bioweapons research and instead, much of that research was moved offshore to the Wuhan lab and other sites.

“GOF research and bioweapons have become a global preoccupation,” Kennedy said at the signing of the May 25 Executive Order. “Russia is deeply engaged in this research, as is Iran and other countries.”

“In the entire history of gain-of-function research, we can’t find a single good thing that has come out of it,” he declared.

NIH director Jay Battacharya who was also present at the signing ceremony noted that the fallacy of GOF research is “believing that it can protect us, either against pandemics or against bioterror attacks from other nations. That belief is an illusion,” he said.

“Any nation that engages in this research endangers their own population and that of the world.”

The president signed the order last Monday “to improve the safety and security of biological research in the U.S. and around the world.” But experts say it’s not at all certain that the gain-of-function genie can be put back in the bottle.

Battacharya has observed that countries around the world are doing this research, which he says has become cheap, easy, and convenient. Any mad scientist determined enough to create his own bioweapon can order equipment from Amazon for next-day delivery and quickly start creating Ebola viruses from scratch.

Picture this scenario. You wake up in the morning, feel unrested and grumpy. As you stare into the mirror at your droopy eyes and the bags under them, your mind starts filling with messages to yourself.

“I’m sooo tired!”

“How can I function on so little sleep?”

“I’ll never be able to make it through the day!”

If the reason for your interrupted sleep hap­pens to be a family member, at this point you may start harboring resentful thoughts about them as well. You add some visuals about all the disasters that will likely accrue to your fa­tigue in the coming hours, along with the prob­able headache you’ll get and the difficulty you’ll have trying to behave, on so little sleep, like a pleasant and rational human being to those around you.

You fill your head with so many negative ob­servations that there’s no room for a single ray of optimism to intrude. And all that negativity feels perfectly natural. As if you’re confiding your woes to a good friend. Your self-pity feels like a cushion to lay your weary head on. You may not have had enough sleep, but kvetching to yourself about it feels like some sort of minor compensation or consolation prize.

It’s not. What all those gloomy messages ac­tually do is weaken whatever life force you pos­sess this morning. They make it much more likely that your dire predictions for the day will come true. As comforting as they may feel, they’re no friend of yours.

Suppose, instead, you try to tell yourself one positive thing as you slump tiredly in front of the mirror. Just one. It can be a simple message, such as: It’s all good.

Your immediate reaction may be to recoil from such a thought. Incredulously, you ask yourself how being utterly exhausted before the day even begins could possibly be a good thing? Maybe Pollyanna was able to thrive on such a sugary diet, but you’re more realistic than that!

But suppose… just suppose… you have the self-discipline to take the thought one step fur­ther. To try to figure out how there might possi­bly be some good amid the awfulness. It may not be easy. After all, you can’t erase the fact that you didn’t get enough sleep. You can’t change your fatigue into a barrelful of energy, right?

That’s correct. But it’s a law of na­ture that two things cannot fill the same space at the same time. While you can’t turn the clock back and produce a restful sleep, what you can do is dis­place those negative reflections and gloomy predictions with some positive thoughts. Such as: “I work from home, so I can catch a nap later if I need one.” Or, “I’ll try for an early night tonight.” Or “I’ll really appreciate a good night’s sleep the next time it happens!”

Or even the last-ditch fallback: “It could be worse…” Because it can al­ways be worse.

I’m not saying that any of these thoughts have the power to fill you with pep. What it does have the power to do is diminish your grumpiness and fill you with a better attitude. Maybe even something approximating good cheer. Or at least, better cheer.

And that’s worth a lot.

A Harsh Landscape

There’s a mitzvah in the Torah to re­frain from hating another Jew in one’s heart. This might run counter to some modern-day psychological thinking. Isn’t it better to harbor feelings of ha­tred inside one’s heart, some might ask, than speaking that emotion out loud? If you’re feeling outraged, out­maneuvered or misunderstood, why not clench your mental fists and think, “I hate you, I hate you!” to ease some of your frustration? A person’s private thoughts can’t do any damage, right?

Wrong. As we’ve started to explore above, thoughts can do plenty of dam­age. Starting with turning you into a hate-filled person.

The Torah demands that we expunge hateful feelings toward our broth­ers and sisters by whatever means are necessary. Ideally, we can try to be melamed zechus on the perpetrator of our pain. That means seeking out their good traits, or remembering past kind­nesses, which may help to overcome our anger and diminish the hatred in our hearts.

Alternatively, you can find the cour­age to speak up. To courteously air your grievance and give the other person a chance to explain himself. A great deal of fury and dislike are the result of ei­ther miscommunication or lack of communication. Talking it out, hon­estly and respectfully, is a route that can take a person from hating his fel­low man… to actually loving him!

Pirkei Avos teaches that jealousy, lust, and a desire for honor are things that remove a person from the world. How does this work? Simple. When a person fills his head with such thoughts, he creates a private little bubble in which nothing exists but himself and his de­sires.

When we allow our thoughts to focus on “I don’t have” and “I want” to the exclusion of all else, we are basically stepping out of the world of goodness and gratitude, into a bleak, harsh place that can never make us happy.

That’s why our Torah urges us not to go there. When it comes to unwhole­some desires… don’t even think about it!

A Sacred Place

The mind is not meant to be a gar­bage dump of negative thoughts and emotions. It should be a sacred place, a light-filled place of positivity and goodness. Trying to live up to that ideal is not being unrealistic or Pollyanna-ish. On the contrary: it’s facing reality and deciding how we choose to relate to it. It’s opting for happiness over per­petual disgruntlement. It’s being our own best friend.

There’s nothing wrong with ac­knowledging grumpiness when it comes up, or even with kvetching a lit­tle to elicit the sympathy and support of someone close to us. But overall, let’s try to keep our thoughts buoyant. Let’s move away from the myth that what we keep inside our heads has no effect on anything. Because, in fact, the opposite is true.

Every great thing in this world be­gins with a thought. So does every horror. If we focus on cultivating the beautiful and exalted, even inside the privacy of our own minds, it follows that the world will be a less horrible place. More: it will become more beau­tiful and exalted place. It’s up to us.

So, the next time you wake up grumpy and unrested, or come away from a conversation angry and dis­satisfied, and feel the inclination to fill your mind with thoughts of gloom, doom and self-pity… Stop right there. Don’t even think about it!

Ko Somar L’Bais Yaakov V’Sageid Livnei Yisroel

The Yeshiva as the House of Life

There is a great difference between one who learns Torah and one who lives Torah within a yeshiva. Torah can indeed be learned in many places; in one’s home, in shul, or while traveling. Yet Chazal reveal that the yeshiva is not merely the top setting for learning. It is a “bais chayeihem,” a house of life, without which Torah itself is lacking the dimension essential to its full vitality. The supremacy of the yeshiva is not only where Torah is learned; it is where Torah becomes life.

The Gemara in Bava Kamma (99b) and Bava Metzia (30b) expounds the posuk, “V’hodata lahem es haderech — and you shall inform them.” Rav Yosef interprets this as “Zeh bais chayeihem,” the house of their lives. Rashi explains that “the house of their lives” means talmud Torah. The Maharsha, in Bava Metzia, asks a penetrating question: the beginning of the posuk already speaks of limud Torah, “V’hizhartah es hachukim v’es hatoros.” Why then is talmud Torah repeated in the phrase “V’Hodata lahem”?

He explains that it’s not a repetition but an addition: Torah is not merely to be learned, but must be learned in a specific makom. “Bais chayeihem,” implies that they must establish “botei midrashos” for limud haTorah. Torah must be learned and lived in a yeshiva.

This is a profound point. A man who learns alone may know halachos and sugyos. He may even be deeply involved. But if he is detached from the bais midrash, he lacks the full “chiyus” of Torah. Limud haTorah demands a specific home, and that home is the yeshiva.

This is echoed in the Rambam in Hilchos Talmud Torah 3:12. After quoting Chazal, “Ein haTorah miskayemes ela b’mi shememis atzmo aleha — Torah is preserved only in one who kills himself over it,” the Rambam adds on the words “be’ohalei chachomim” in the tents of the chachomim, referring to botei medrashos. Torah is sustained not just through ameilus, but needs its immersion in a specific makom, an environment where Torah is the air one breathes with pilpul chaveirim, in a yeshiva.

The Maharsha himself testifies to this reality. In his Chiddushei Maharsha on Shabbos (75) and on Sanhedrin (42), he notes that he refrained from recording certain chiddushim because he had not learned them at the time in the yeshiva.

One who carefully examines the language of the Maharsha will see that the reason he refrained from writing was not that he lacked what to say, but rather that his words were not worthy in his eyes to be recorded in his Chiddushei Halachos. This is because they had not yet been clarified and refined within the koslei hayeshiva.

This teaches a standard. A chiddush is not evaluated only by its content. It must emerge from yeshiva learning. The yeshiva is where ideas are tested, refined, sharpened, and measured by rebbeim and talmidim alike. Without that, even knowledge and brilliance are incomplete.

The Irreplaceable Supremacy of Learning in a Yeshiva

In Gur Aryeh on Parshas Toldos (25-20), the Maharal deepens the matter further. The Maharal asks why the Torah emphasizes Yitzchok’s age, that he was forty years old, when he married Rivka. The Maharal explains that the Torah is clarifying why Yitzchok seemingly delayed his marriage for so long. Yitzchok waited until he was forty, only because Rivka, his destined zivug, was born when he was thirty-seven. He was required to wait three years for her to reach the age of maturity before he could take her as a wife.

The Maharal then asks: if so, why did Yaakov wait until the age of eighty-four to marry?

His answer is foundational. Yaakov was “ish tam yoshev ohalim,” a dweller of tents, meaning, he was a yeshivaman, immersed in Torah in the Yeshiva of Shem v’Eiver. And regarding such a person, Chazal say, “Yasok b’Torah v’achar kach yisa eisha — let him study Torah and afterwards marry,” unlike Yitzchok, whose fundamental learning was in the house of Avrohom Aveinu. The Maharal thereby makes an extraordinary distinction. Delaying marriage to learn Torah is not a blanket rule for every learner. It applies specifically to those who are rooted in yeshiva. Yaakov lived in the tents of Torah. That altered the whole calculus of his life. Yitzchok, on the other hand, primarily learned in the house of Avrohom Avinu, in a domestic setting. For someone learning at home, the obligation to marry at age eighteen without any mitigating factors remains firm.

This reveals the incomparable elevation of yeshiva learning. The yeshiva is so powerful that it shapes the rhythm of life itself. The standing of one who learns within the framework of a yeshiva is fundamentally different from that of one who learns at home.

The Chasam Sofer, in his Teshuvos on Choshen Mishpat (9), takes this distinction a step further. Addressing the sugya that limud Torah is greater than honoring one’s parents, he explains that there was never even a hava amina that Yaakov should be punished for the fourteen years he spent in the Yeshiva of Shem and Eiver, like he was punished for the years he spent with Lavan. His explanation is incisive. Some obligations can be fulfilled at home, but the distinct limud haTorah in a yeshiva cannot. “Learning in the bais medrash of Shem and Eiver,” he explains, “is impossible to fulfill in one’s home.”

That is the key. The yeshiva is not merely better in degree. It is different in kind. There is a form of Torah learning that cannot be replicated, even in the home of a father like Yitzchok Avinu or a father who is himself a great talmid chochom.

To illustrate the profound nature of this distinction, the Chasam Sofer discusses a wealthy man who earmarked a portion of his estate to support an impoverished, brilliant bochur in a yeshiva, to develop him into a moreh horaah. When that yeshiva unexpectedly closed, a complex halachic question emerged: Could the allocation instead be redirected to fund private learning with the av bais din of Amsterdam? This preeminent gaon had offered to personally teach the young man alongside his own son, guaranteeing to mold them both into morei horaah. On the surface, the alternative was incredibly attractive; it offered direct access to a towering rabbinic authority and an arguably superior path to success. Yet, the Chasam Sofer firmly ruled against diverting the funds, maintaining that the bochur must be sent to an actual yeshiva.

The implication is unmistakable: Even the undivided attention of a singular gaon, in a setting tailored for maximum growth, cannot substitute for a yeshiva. The yeshiva framework is not interchangeable with one-on-one teaching, no matter how extraordinary the rebbi. Ultimately, a bais midrash fosters something far greater than the sum of its parts.

This conceptual difference illuminates the precise phrasing of Rabbi Nehorai in Avos (4:14). He does not say, “Galeh l’makom lilmod Torah — Exile yourself to a place to study Torah.” Rather, he instructs, “Hevei goleh l’makom Torah — Exile yourself to a place of Torah.” This nuance carries immense weight. Torah learning can occur anywhere, but a “place of Torah” possesses its own independent reality and spiritual atmosphere. One must physically and mentally relocate there because Torah is not merely a body of knowledge to be acquired; it is the vital environment in which a person is fundamentally formed.

The Father’s Role
Teaching, Directing, Guiding

Within this framework, the precise role of the father becomes clear.

A father is commanded to teach Torah to his son: “v’shinantem l’vanecha.” He is the first rebbi, the one who introduces the child to the words of Torah, builds his yesodos, and points him toward a life of learning.

But crucially, the father does not replace the yeshiva. He prepares him for it. The father himself either teaches or facilitates an appointee, the rebbi. The father is the gavra, but the makom is a yeshiva.

The ultimate formation of a ben Torah occurs outside the home, inside the demanding, life-giving ecosystem of the yeshiva. A father’s greatness is found not in holding his son within his own domestic orbit, but in sending him outward to the place where Torah becomes identity.

This illuminates the deeper meaning behind Chazal’s timeless directive: “Hevei goleh l’makom Torah.” True growth requires displacement. It demands entry into an ecosystem where Torah is not merely studied, but defines the very air one breathes.

This is precisely the sentiment expressed by the Chazon Ish in one of his letters regarding the nature of yeshivos. He wrote that for centuries, the yeshivos of Bovel “have been wandering and moving,” yet “nis’chalfu shemosam v’lo nis’chalfa nafshom — their names may have changed, but their soul has not.” This is a breathtaking formulation. A yeshiva is not a mere structure of stone; it is a living nefesh. Its physical building may alter, its city may shift, and its name may change, but the inner soul of the yeshiva endures. It functions as a collective Torah organism, a continuous chain of life binding generations together.

The mashgiach, Rav Yeruchom Levovitz, consistently insisted that a yeshiva must remain completely true to its traditional archetype. Hashem is eternal, the Torah is eternal, and just as change is impossible within the Torah itself, it is equally impossible within the essence of the yeshiva. The Torah and the yeshiva do not represent distinct ideals; they are fundamentally intertwined.

Consequently, a single truth becomes evident: the tzuras hayeshiva, preserved in its authentic form, is not simply one option among many. It represents the Torah world in its most vital, generative state.

One can certainly learn at home, learn while traveling, or advance significantly under isolated conditions. But to claim that such learning is equivalent to yeshiva learning is to misunderstand the profound architecture of Torah as delineated by Chazal and the gedolei Yisroel. A yeshiva k’tzurasa is not a subjective choice; it is the definitive bais chayeihem of the Torah.

A Home That Teaches
The Inner Architecture of Bais Yaakov and the Nature of Girls’ Chinuch

When describing a young woman who has fallen into immorality, the Torah uses an unusual expression: liznos bais aviha, she has acted immorally in her father’s house (Devarim 22:21). The consequence of her actions is equally localized: ve’hotzi’u es hana’ara el pesach bais aviha, they shall bring the young woman out to the entrance of her father’s house. Regarding a bas kohen, the Torah goes so far as to state, “Es aviha hi mechellas — she desecrates her father.”

We find no such language regarding a son. Even the ben sorer u’moreh, the wayward and rebellious son, is judged at the shaar mekomo, the public gate of his city, rather than at the threshold of his parental home. This distinction demands analysis: why is a daughter’s failure defined in such strict relation to her father’s house? This is especially perplexing because, according to many Rishonim, there is no formal chiyuv chinuch for a father to educate his daughter. The halachic obligation of education is mandated exclusively from father to son. One might logically assume that the son, being the primary recipient of instruction, would be the one to desecrate his father’s house through failure, yet the Torah indicates the opposite.

In general, why is there no obligation to mechanech one’s daughter? She also must be prepared for mitzvos.

The Son_
Formation Through Instruction and Friction_

The Gemara establishes the concept of chiyuv chinuch as a formal and legal obligation upon a father to actively train his son in the performance of mitzvos. This obligation is deliberate and structured because the growth of a boy is characterized by outward movement. He leaves the narrow confines of the home and encounters competing external influences. He is by nature outward-moving. He is formed through engagement, intellectual challenge, and the friction of ideas beyond himself.

Regarding girls, the posuk says, “Kol kevudah bas melech p’nimah — The entire dignity of the king’s daughter is inward” (Tehillim 45:14). This is not merely a directive regarding modesty; it is a definition of environment. A daughter’s makom**,** her primary ecosystem, is within the home. She is rooted in the presence of her parents and woven into the ongoing rhythm of family life. She does not primarily grow through exposure to the outside world but through continuous immersion in the inner life of the home.

Therefore, the formal and active obligation of chinuch was stated specifically regarding sons, not daughters. While a daughter is equally obligated in practical mitzvos, her path of development follows a different model entirely.

The Daughter
Formation Through Atmosphere and Inwardness

From this divergence emerge two distinct systems of growth:

The Son**:** He is shaped through instruction, exposure, and deliberate teaching. The Father and the yeshiva build the mind of Torah, training him through limud haTorah and asiyas hamitzvos.

The Daughter**:** She is shaped through environment, observation, and atmosphere. The home builds the heart of Torah life, training her to live through consistency and quiet formation.

That is why the daughter’s failure is defined in strict relation to her father’s house. Precisely because her entire spiritual formation was meant to take place within those walls. Her values, her sensitivities, and her worldview were absorbed there. If she strays, the Torah does not view it as an isolated breakdown of personal choice; it is seen as a reflection of the environment that raised her. The judgment at the doorway stands as a piercing declaration to the parents: “Re’u gedolim sh’gidaltem — see the results of what you have raised.” If she was constantly present, constantly observing, and yet emerged with distorted values, it reveals that something vital within the home’s atmosphere was lacking.

The Echo of the Home
Shusa de’Yanuka

This principle of environmental reflection is reinforced by the Gemara in Sukkah (56b) in the tragic account of Miriam bas Bilgah, a Kohen’s daughter who publicly disgraced the mizbei’ach. The Sages penalized not only Miriam but her father and his entire priestly watch. To justify extending the consequences to her family, our Sages cite the folk wisdom: “Shuta de’yanuka be’shuka, o de’avuha o de’imeha — What a child says in the marketplace comes from either the father or the mother.” As Rashi clarifies, she must have heard that tone of disrespect at home. A child whose world is centered in the home does not invent values independently; she echoes what she has absorbed.

This divergence leads to a critical distinction: Boys must be taught; girls absorb_._ The very metzius of a woman is to build a bayis, but this capacity cannot be taught abstractly. It is absorbed, often imperceptibly, from the climate in which she is raised.

The education of boys can be transferred into formal structures. But the education of girls is not primarily informational; it is atmospheric.

Less About In-Formation
More About Formation

For his daughter, however, the father’s responsibility shifts from direct instruction to authentic modeling. He must live consistently, embody Torah values transparently, and maintain an environment of absolute truth. The distinction is absolute: the son listens to what the father says, while the daughter becomes what the father is.

The Genesis of Bais Yaakov as a Surrogate Home

In previous generations, the education of a Jewish girl occurred organically through immersion, rendering a formal and institutionalized system unnecessary. This absence did not suggest that her role was secondary. On the contrary, it proved that the home was functioning at its highest potential. This natural system depended entirely upon the presence of an authentic and insulated Torah home. In such an environment, a daughter absorbed the essence of her heritage simply by existing within its walls.

The Erosion of
Natural Transmission

When the kedusha of the home began to weaken under the pressure of external influences, and the allure of the street became more compelling than the home, the natural transmission of our mesorah faltered. Eventually, the home alone could no longer guarantee the proper formation of a bas Yisroel. While this system had functioned naturally for centuries, the shifting cultural climate demanded a new approach.

Bais Yaakov
A Revolutionary Surrogate

The establishment of Bais Yaakov emerged as a revolutionary development in Jewish history. This movement must be understood with absolute precision. Bais Yaakov was not designed to imitate the architecture of the yeshiva. It was built to recreate the atmosphere of the home. Its purpose is to function as a culture and a lived experience of Torah. It steps into the breach to provide the warmth and spiritual climate that the contemporary street attempts to erode.

From Intuitive Absorption to Formal Instruction

Concepts that a daughter once absorbed through natural osmosis must now be conveyed through formal study. Halacha, emunah, hashkofah, mussar, and the timeless narratives of Tanach now require structured lessons and textual analysis. The profound appreciation for Torah and talmidei chachomim, which was once an intuitive part of her identity, must now be explicitly taught. Even the foundational understanding of her purpose in this world is now a matter of instruction.

The Gemara asks through what merit women earn their share in Torah. They conclude that it is earned by sending their children to learn, encouraging their husbands to learn, and waiting for their return. In a fragmented world, this noble identity is no longer simply felt; it must be learned.

Conclusion
Returning to the Ideal

The ultimate aspiration of the Torah world is not for Bais Yaakov to permanently replace the home. Instead, its mission is to inspire a generation of daughters who will build homes so authentic and vibrant that institutional intervention becomes unnecessary once more. Bais Yaakov exists to safeguard a timeless ideal in a world that has lost its form. Its success is measured by its ability to restore the crown of “kevudah bas melech p’nimah,” bringing the Jewish home to its original glory.

A yeshiva k’tzurasa for a boy, and an authentic bayis or its Bais Yaakov surrogate for a girl, are not matters of mere educational preference or sociological tradition. They are the authentic bais chayeihem, as they constitute the true center of existence and stand as the indispensable sources of life for the entire Torah world. Only by preserving the unique, intentional nature of both these spheres can the mission of chinuch fulfill its ultimate purpose.

“Uveyom habikkurim behakrivchem mincha chadoshoh laHashem… Vehikravtem olah lerei’ach nichoach laHashem porim bnei vokor shnayim ayil echad shivah kevosim bnei shanah.

The Baal HaTurim notes that by all the olos written regarding the moados, the word olas is written choseir, whereas by Atzeres it is written molei. This is a remez that on the sixth of Sivan the Torah was given.

The matter requires biur. Why was this remez placed specifically in the olah of Atzeres and specifically in the korbanos of Parshas Pinchos? In Parshas Emor, the olah of Shavuos was already stated earlier, and such a remez should have seemingly appeared there.

It appears as follows.

In Parshas Pinchos, by the mussafim of all moados, it says, “Use’ir izim echad lechatos.” Yet, by Yom Habikkurim it says, “Se’ir izim echad lechaper aleichem,” and does not state “lechatos.”

The Daas Zekeinim and Chizkuni bring from the Yerushalmi: “By all korbanos, the word cheit is written, but by Atzeres it is not written. Hashem said to them, ‘Since you accepted upon yourselves ohl Torah, I consider it upon you as though you never sinned in your .’”

Likewise, the Pesikta says that Hashem said to Yisroel, “My children, read this parsha every year and I shall consider it upon you as though you are standing before Har Sinai and receiving the Torah, as it says, ‘Bayom hazeh ba’u Midbar Sinai.’”

Thus, the reading itself renews a certain maamad of Kabbolas HaTorah, and through that, it is ke’ilu lo chataseim miyemeichem.

However, this seems difficult, for in Parshas Emor the Torah says explicitly, “Va’asisem se’ir izim echad lechatos,” regarding the korbanos of Chag Habikkurim. If Atzeres is the day on which cheit is erased through kabbolas ohl Torah, why does the Torah there write lechatos openly?

The answer depends on a sharp chiluk.

The Daas Zekeinim asks why, in the Tefillas Mussaf of Shavuos, we do not mention two se’irim, since, in truth, there are two se’irei Atzeres, one in Emor and one in Pinchos.

He answers that the tefillah of Mussaf corresponds to the korban mussaf, and one of the se’irim was not a korban mussaf but was brought in the morning because of the shtei halechem.

Rashi also explains, “Eilu le’atzman ve’eilu le’atzman” — those of Emor come because of the lechem and those of Pinchos are the mussafim.

Hence, the se’ir of Pinchos is a din in chovas hayom, while the se’ir of Emor is bound to the korbanos haba’in al halechem.

The Gemara in Rosh Hashanah 6b teaches: “Atzeres is sometimes on the fifth, sometimes on the sixth, and sometimes on the seventh of Sivan.” If both Nissan and Iyar are molei, it is the fifth; if both are choseir, it is the seventh; and if one is molei and one is choseir, it is the sixth.

It follows that, essentially, the Yom Tov of Yom HaBbkkurim is not inherently fixed to the sixth of Sivan, but to the fiftieth day of the Omer. Only when one month is molei and one is choseir does it coincide with the sixth of Sivan.

This creates a fundamental distinction between the time of Kiddush Hachodesh al pi re’iyah and al pi cheshbon.

When they sanctified months by testimony, Shavuos could fall on the fifth, sixth, or seventh. But according to the fixed calculation, it always falls on the sixth, since the arrangement is always one molei and one choseir.

Thus, the inherent kedushas hayom of Yom Habikkurim is not necessarily Zeman Matan Toraseinu. Rather, under the cheshbon, they meet in one place.

The shittah of Rabbeinu Chananel and the Gaonim is that in the midbar, the months were not fixed by re’iyah, but by cheshbon.

Rabbeinu Bachya, in Parshas Bo (12:2), explains that the Ananei Hakavod covered them by day, and the amud ha’eish by night, so they never saw the sun or the moon. Therefore, the months in the midbar were set by calculation.

And in Menachos 45b, it is explicit that all korbanos written in Chumash Hapekudim, meaning Parshas Pinchos, were offered in the midbar. But the korbanos written in Toras Kohanim, meaning Parshas Emor, including the korbanos connected with the shtei halechem, were not offered in the midbar, since the Omer and shtei halechem come only from Eretz Yisroel.

Accordingly, the matter is illuminated.

The korbanos of Pinchos were already brought in the midbar. At that time, the months were fixed by cheshbon, and therefore Shavuos always fell on the sixth of Sivan, the very day of Matan Torah.

Hence, regarding those korbanos, the Torah can write “lechaper aleichem” and omit “lechatos,” because the korban is bound to the day of Kabbolas HaTorah, and once Klal Yisroel accepts ohl Torah, it is ke’ilu lo chataseim miyemeichem.

But the korbanos of Emor were not brought in the midbar. Their actual chiyuv began only after entering Eretz Yisroel, when the Ananei Hakavod had departed and Kiddush Hachodesh returned to re’iyah. Then Atzeres could be on the fifth, sixth, or seventh of Sivan.

Since that korban is not necessarily tied to the sixth of Sivan, it cannot be defined as the korban of the day on which Kabbolas HaTorah removes cheit. Therefore, the Torah there writes explicitly “se’ir izim echad lechatos.”

This also explains the Baal Haturim with great precision.

The remez that the Torah was given on the sixth of Sivan is placed specifically by “vehikravtem olah” in Parshas Pinchos, because those korbanos were offered in the midbar, when Shavuos always coincided with the sixth of Sivan. But by the olah of Parshas Emor, which was not brought in the midbar and belongs to the era of kiddush al pi re’iyah, there is no necessary identity between Chag Habikkurim and the sixth of Sivan. Therefore, the remez of “beshisha beSivan nitnah Torah” belongs only there, in the olas Atzeres of Parshas Pinchos.

This week’s parsha of Bamidbar opens a new sefer in the Torah and introduces the counting of the Bnei Yisroel and the precise arrangement of their encampments as they journeyed toward the Promised Land. Chazal instituted that Parshas Bamidbar is always lained on the Shabbos preceding Shavuos, and that connection is deeply significant. As we stand at the culmination of the days of Sefirah, during which we prepared ourselves for Kabbolas HaTorah, the lessons embedded in this parsha become especially relevant.

Rashi, on the opening posuk, explains that Hakadosh Boruch Hu counts the Jewish people because of His love for them. A person repeatedly counts and checks his treasured possessions not because he has forgotten them, but precisely because they are precious to him. What we value, we do not lose sight of.

The Gemara in Bava Metzia teaches that when a person loses money, we assume that he has already realized the loss and despaired of recovering it, because people instinctively and constantly check their pockets to make sure that their valuables are still there. Rarely does someone lose a wallet or checkbook without immediately noticing the loss. We carefully monitor what matters deeply to us.

That is the message of the census in Bamidbar. Every Jew counts because every Jew matters. Though we are many millions strong, no individual is expendable, interchangeable, or insignificant. No Jew should ever feel like a faceless statistic swallowed by the masses. No person should ever be made to feel that the world would manage fine without him.

The Torah’s insistence on counting every individual teaches that human worth is not measured by prominence, accomplishment, wealth, or influence. Every person is precious because every person bears the tzelem Elokim. Every neshomah is counted because every neshomah matters.

This lesson is particularly timely during the days of Sefirah. Chazal teach that the talmidim of Rabi Akiva perished because they failed to accord one another proper respect. It is difficult to understand how the disciples of the great Rabi Akiva – the very Tanna who proclaimed “Ve’ahavta lerei’acha kamocha zeh klal gadol baTorah” – could have stumbled in this area. Perhaps the sheer size of their numbers contributed to the failing. When there are 24,000 students, it becomes easier for an individual to feel less indispensable. The uniqueness of each talmid becomes blurred within the vastness of the crowd. Familiarity and scale can dull sensitivity.

But the Torah demands the opposite perspective. The greater the crowd, the greater the responsibility to ensure that no individual disappears within it.

The iconic Mirrer mashgiach, Rav Yeruchom Levovitz, whose 90th yahrtzeit falls this Sivan, was once asked how he could possibly guide and influence the hundreds of bochurim in the Mirrer Yeshiva. How could one person serve as mashgiach to three hundred talmidim, each with different struggles, personalities, strengths, and aspirations?

Reb Yeruchom answered with a perspective that revealed the essence of Torah leadership and chinuch. He said, “I am not one mashgiach over three hundred bochurim. There are three hundred bochurim, and each one has one mashgiach.”

In those few words, he defined what it means to care for people.

Most people who viewed the Mir bais medrash saw a large yeshiva filled with hundreds of students. But Rav Yeruchom did not see a crowd. He saw individuals. He did not relate to his talmidim as part of a mass, nor did he speak to them as interchangeable members of a group. Every bochur was an olam malei, a complete world unto himself, with unique strengths to cultivate, weaknesses to address, and greatness waiting to be uncovered.

That was the secret of his influence. People flourish when they know that they are seen and when they are addressed as individuals, not merely as another member of the group.

Rav Yeruchom understood that chinuch and leadership cannot be built on generalities alone. A successful mashgiach, rebbi, rov, or parent is not someone who merely delivers shmuessen to a room full of listeners. A good mechanech listens, notices, understands, and connects. He recognizes when someone is discouraged, when someone else is struggling, when one person needs guidance, and when another simply needs encouragement and belief.

Rav Yeruchom did not ask, “How do I manage three hundred students?” He looked at each one and asked, “What does this bochur need from me?”

That perspective reflects the Torah’s view of Klal Yisroel. When Hashem commands Moshe to count the Jewish people in Parshas Bamidbar, the counting was not about statistics. It was about affirming the value of every individual. Each Jew was counted because each Jew mattered.

The greatness of a leader, a teacher, or anyone else lies in the ability to look beyond the crowd and see the individual standing before him.

There are people who speak to you without making eye contact. They may technically be talking to you, but they are not really looking at you. And when they do not look at you, you sense that they do not truly care about you. Their eyes drift beyond you or past you, because their minds are occupied elsewhere – with themselves or with something else entirely. People like that cannot genuinely connect.

And when someone does not truly look at you, you instinctively feel that he does not truly care about you.

Real connection demands presence. It requires more than speaking. It requires listening. More than hearing words, it requires recognizing the person saying them. The people who influence us most are not always the most brilliant or eloquent. They are the people who make us feel seen, understood, and valued.

My rebbi, Rav Elya Svei, was one of the leading roshei yeshiva of his generation and was sought out by people across the world for guidance and counsel. Yet, when I, or any other young bochur, stood before him in the bais medrash, speaking with him in learning or discussing personal matters with him in his office, there was no one else in the room.

He looked at you. He focused on you and your issue. At that moment, there was nobody else and nothing else more important. And because of that, the talmid felt that he mattered.

One time, when I was sitting with Rav Elozor Menachem Man Shach, the conversation continued for quite some time while people waited impatiently outside the room for their turn to speak with him. There was noise and commotion beyond the door, but Rav Shach did not hear any of it. He heard me. He looked at me. He focused on me, despite the fact that I was an American yungerman in my twenties.

One of the attendants entered the room and informed him that a certain dignitary was waiting outside, hinting that the gadol hador should quickly finish up with his anonymous American guest. Rav Shach looked at him quizzically and said, “But I’m speaking now to Lipschutz.”

The other person would have to wait.

To Rav Shach, to a gadol b’Yisroel, every Jew was choshuv. Every Yid deserved simas lev, to be focused on and treated with respect.

And that is part of what the Torah is teaching through the counting in Parshas Bamidbar. Hashem does not look at Klal Yisroel as an anonymous mass. He counts each Jew individually because He sees each Jew individually. Every person carries a unique mission, a unique struggle, and a unique worth.

This is one of the great lessons the Torah seeks to teach us before Kabbolas HaTorah. The talmidim of Rabi Akiva failed because they did not sufficiently honor one another as unique and irreplaceable individuals. They saw each other as part of a group instead of appreciating the value of each individual comprising the group.

In a large yeshiva, in a thriving community, or even within a family, it is easy for people to become numbers, faces in the crowd, individuals whose struggles and strengths go unnoticed. Parshas Bamidbar reminds us that this is not the Torah’s view of a Jew. Hashem counts us because Hashem treasures us. And those who seek to walk in His ways must learn to view others the same way.

People are often quick to criticize, quick to dismiss, and quick to condemn without fully understanding another person’s struggles, circumstances, or intentions. One of the central avodos of Sefirah is learning to restore dignity to other people – to see them, value them, and treat them with the respect due to someone created b’tzelem Elokim. The counting of the Bnei Yisroel was a public declaration of love, importance, and worth.

This message carries enormous relevance in our generation. Not many decades ago, the Jewish people stood on the brink of destruction. Every surviving Jew was cherished and appreciated. During those terrible years, Jews instinctively understood that every person mattered. Yet, prosperity and growth can sometimes weaken that sensitivity. When communities flourish and botei medrash and schools overflow, there is a danger of unconsciously taking individuals for granted.

There was a time when yeshivos struggled desperately to find students. Today, many institutions are bursting at the seams with talmidim and talmidos. But abundance must never diminish appreciation. A great yeshiva, even when crowded, never makes a single bochur feel invisible. A good school, even when it has more students than it ever dreamed possible, never makes a student feel superfluous. No child is extra. No student lacks needs, emotions, and feelings that must be attended to. There is room and a place for everyone. A thriving community must never allow any individual to feel forgotten.

The parsha continues by describing the arrangement of the encampments: “Ish al machaneihu v’ish al diglo.” Every shevet had its designated place. Every individual camped where he belonged.

The Torah here teaches another fundamental principle: Greatness comes not only from recognizing your value, but also from recognizing your place.

Every shevet has a mission. Every person has a role. The harmony of Klal Yisroel depended upon each individual understanding where he belonged. One of life’s great temptations is the assumption that we could do better if only we occupied someone else’s position. We imagine that if we stood where others stand, if we had their platform, influence, authority, or responsibilities, we would accomplish more than they do and fix what they are doing wrong. And so, people abandon their own mission while attempting to live someone else’s.

The Torah’s carefully ordered encampment teaches that greatness is not achieved by invading another person’s territory. It is achieved by maximizing the potential of the position Hashem assigned to us.

Since the country is focused on war, perhaps we can illustrate this with a moshol about a group of friends who were drafted into the army. One was assigned to the infantry, another to the air force, and another to the navy. Each was jealous, convinced that the other had been given a better, easier, or more prestigious role.

Eventually, they approached their commanders and requested transfers to different units. But the commanders explained that each was performing a vital role. An army cannot function with only infantry, only pilots, or only sailors. Every division is essential, and every role is indispensable to the success of the whole.

What creates the strongest and most effective fighting force is not uniformity, but rather when every soldier in every branch rises to his fullest potential and fulfills his mission with excellence. Only then can the army achieve victory.

So too with Klal Yisroel. Each person has a unique role and shlichus in this world. Instead of looking at others and wishing to be in their place, we are meant to focus on fulfilling our own mission with dedication and integrity. That is what builds the strength of the klal and brings each of us to our personal and collective purpose.

Sefirah is meant to restore order to our inner world. Just as the encampments in the desert were arranged with precision and purpose, these weeks are meant to help us organize ourselves spiritually and emotionally in preparation for Matan Torah. Much as the month of Elul prepares us for Rosh Hashanah, Sefirah prepares us for Shavuos.

Ever since the second day of Pesach, we have counted upward, day by day, from Yetzias Mitzrayim toward Kabbolas HaTorah.

And so, as Shavuos approaches, we must ask ourselves some questions. Have we grown during these weeks? Have we refined our middos? Have we become more patient, more humble, more respectful, more disciplined? Have we become more worthy of receiving the Torah anew?

Forty-nine days separate Pesach from Shavuos because transformation takes time. Forty-nine shaarei kedusha must be approached. Forty-nine steps must be climbed. Each day is another opportunity to rise beyond the distractions, superficiality, and moral confusion that dominate the world around us.

As the Am Hanivchar, we are called upon to live differently. Before we can stand at Har Sinai and realize our destiny, we must elevate ourselves and become better than we are – more refined, more compassionate, more elevated, more selfless.

Let us seek to excel in our roles, in our learning, and in our understanding of Torah.

Let us show, through the way we speak to one another and care for one another, that we have learned the tragic lesson of Rabi Akiva’s talmidim. Let us demonstrate through our actions that we are worthy of receiving the Torah.

May we all be zoche to growth in Torah and mitzvos and merit the coming of Moshiach Tzidkeinu bekarov.

Sometimes, a small, innocent anecdote can paint the picture of an entire society — or a mentality that permeates an entire society — and it is scary. Very scary.

The following true story is one such example.

Reb Yitzchok*, a mesivta rebbi in an out-of-town mesivta, was walking together with a bochur in his shiur, shmoozing about Torah. Reb Yitzchok related a thought from the Chofetz Chaim, who asks rhetorically, “What is the ultimate goal that we are supposed to attain in yeshiva? What should we leave with when it is time for us to leave yeshiva?”

Reb Yitzchok then answered that a person should be overflowing with Torah and yiras Shomayim, but before he could finish explaining, the bochur interjected, “Why? For what?”

Then, without even waiting for an answer, the bochur, apparently thinking that he understood the answer on his own, answered his own question.

My dear readers, listen to the answer, for it contains an entire worldview.

He said, “Oh! So that he can be chal.”

Sometimes, the most powerful words are those spoken innocently, without even a trace of malice. The bochur gave a simple answer and was completely satisfied with the answer he gave. Why? Because that is the world in which he lives.

The Definition of “Chal” and What It Means to Us

Now, for those who are not so proficient in today’s yeshivishe shprach, let me explain what it means “to be chal.” In halachic terms, being chal or a chalos means that there is a practical halachic change or outcome that takes place.

For example, when a man gives a ring to a woman and says, “Harei at mekudeshes…,” in front of kosher witnesses, and she accepts it, the kiddushin is chal. The woman has now attained the status of a married woman.

In the colloquial sense, being “chal” means being relevant. You are somebody. You matter. You have status. And if you are “not chal,” then you are not worthy of being a somebody. You do not matter and you have no status.

What that bochur was saying — so innocently that he himself did not realize that an entire worldview was emerging from his mouth — was that the reason it is important to be overflowing with Torah and yiras Shomayim during one’s yeshiva years is because otherwise you are not relevant. You are not an item. You have no status and no societal worth.

He did not say, “Because that is the purpose of man.” He also did not say, “Because there is no greater way to bring nachas ruach to Hashem.” He did not even say, “So that I will become a talmid chochom who knows Hashem’s Torah and is able to properly fulfill the commandments of the Torah and Hashem, the Nosein HaTorah, Who gave us those laws.”

Nothing Worse Than “Not Being Chal”

He said, “Because otherwise you are not chal. You have no value. You didn’t ‘make it.’”

The implication is that the entire purpose of everything a person does — even the Torah one learns — is to “be chal,” to make it.

Society is sending us a message. It is everywhere. You have to be a somebody. You have to be noticed. You have to make a splash. You have to “be chal,” because, chas veshalom, there is nothing worse than “not being chal.”

Some Painful Questions

In light of this, let us ask some pointed, painful questions:

Why am I wearing a specific type of pants? Because they are comfortable? Because they are nice? Or because if I wear this type of pants, I show that I am the type of person who is “chal”?

Do I really like this kind of outfit, shaitel, or shoes, or am I simply trying to be “chal”?

Why am I driving this car? Because it drives smoothly, suits my needs, is the right price, and I like the way it looks? Or because it is the type of car that makes me “chal”?

Why am I holding my guests hostage? They have taken the time and effort to attend my child’s wedding, and I am making a chupah that lasts nearly an hour, complete with musical interludes and accompaniment. My guests were not looking to attend a concert in the middle of a wedding. They have things to do.

It costs me tens of thousands of extra — sometimes borrowed — dollars that could be better spent elsewhere, but I am doing it anyway. Why? Is it because I want them to be beautifully serenaded, or is it because by making such a chupah, I am “chal”?

Why am I insisting that my son or daughter attend this yeshiva, school, or seminary, even though it really is not a good fit for him or her? Is it because if I do not send them there, I am not “chal”?

Am I really sacrificing my children, whom I love more than anything else, on the molech of being chal? Really?!

The Difference Between Self-Worth, Self-Esteem, and Being “Chal”

The bottom line is that we, as a society, project certain messages to ourselves and our children. One very damaging, false, and untrue message is that there is some kind of intrinsic value in “being chal.”

Yes, having a feeling of self-worth and self-esteem is critical. A human being needs to know and feel that he has intrinsic value, that he has a mission, that Hashem has entrusted him with a shlichus in this world. But being “chal” is the diametric opposite of that concept.

“Being chal” really means that the only value I have is if society thinks I am a “somebody” and if I “made it.”

If there is no picture of me in the paper putting up a mezuzah at the latest business opening or in a new bais medrash, then I am not chal.

I am not even going to go down the path of social media and how being “chal” is the entire tachlis of social media, podcasting, and the like. I hope most readers are not there yet, but make no mistake about it — this culture is permeating our world, our yeshivos, and even the most hallowed places in our lives.

A Tragedy of All Tragedies

For example, as a writer for the Yated, there are people who think that I have some kind of control over what goes into the paper aside from the columns that I write. I have had people call me asking if I could place pictures of them putting up a mezuzah or reciting a brocha under a chupah in the paper.

Of course, I direct them elsewhere and explain that I have no control over such content, but when I hang up, I always shake my head, wondering, “Wasn’t he embarrassed to ask that outright?”

That is my instinctive reaction, followed by the realization that he has no choice.

Yes, it may be embarrassing for him in front of one person — me — but what is the alternative? That he might, chas veshalom, not be chal?

That is the tragedy of all tragedies.

What is a little embarrassment in front of one person if, as a result, he can become “chal” in front of tens of thousands of readers? Is it even a question?

My dear readers, please forgive me if these words sound somewhat cynical. There are writers, like my dear friend and colleague Rabbi Yossi Rosenberg, who know how to communicate these kinds of sensitive points with humor. I was not blessed with that talent, so I simply have to write things in the jarring way in which I see them.

But rabbosai, we have a problem — a real problem.

Understanding the Problem

Are our youth receiving the message that the overarching goal in life is to be chal?

Are they not getting the message that the most important thing in life is to serve Hashem, to help others, or lehachayos ruach shefolim ulehachayos lev nidkaim? Are they not getting the message that the most important tafkid in life is to become the best bochur, husband, wife, father, or mother that I can be?

If the message they are receiving is that the overarching goal in life is to be chal, to be the best in the eyes of others, then we are in trouble. Deep trouble.

If your goals in life are not to bring nachas ruach to Hashem, to serve Him in whatever situation we find ourselves, inside the bais medrash or outside the bais medrash, but rather to “make it,” to attain a certain status, “to be chal,” then we are truly on a terribly wrong and twisted path.

Now, I have no idea how to “reset” this program. The first step is recognizing the magnitude of the problem.

And it is big.

It is chal…

Since we are now in the period just before Mattan Torah, it is a good idea to listen to Hashem’s instructions about how to prepare for this annual event. The posuk (Shemos 19:1) tells us that as soon as we reached Midbar Sinai, Hashem told Moshe Rabbeinu to tells us, “You shall be to me a kingdom of kohanim and a holy nation. These are the words that you shall speak to the Bnei Yisroel.” Rashi adds a cryptic phrase: “no less and no more.” Rav Yitzchok Zilberstein (Borchi Nafshi, Vayikra, page 450) recalls that when he was learning in Yeshivas Slabodka, his rosh yeshiva, Rav Eizik Sher, explained the profound lesson Rashi is teaching with these four magic words.

“It would seem odd,” the rosh yeshiva began, “that Hashem would wish to withhold Moshe from supplementing His words. After all, Moshe would surely be able to inspire us about our great fortune in becoming Hashem’s holy nation and having the privilege of serving Him.”

The famed baal mussar answered that as opposed to the excessive amount of propaganda and publicity to which we are all subjected on a daily basis, Hashem has no need or desire to persuade us of anything. He simply presents us with the facts. We are about to receive the Torah. If we prepare ourselves properly, we will be showered with tremendous blessings. We will be the most fortunate people in the world. That is all Hashem needs to say. Anything more would not only be superfluous, it would be counterproductive and unseemly for the Creator of the universe.

Rav Zilberstein adds a contemporary corollary that is even truer than when he wrote it about twenty years ago. “The plague of advertisements and commercialization is worse than ever before. We are inundated with misinformation and disinformation from every side, all of which is almost unavoidable.”

To digress for a moment, my rebbi, Rav Yitzchok Hutner, also wrote about this subject soon after he arrived in the United States. His first publication after arriving on these shores was about the dangers of the false press and deceptive media (see Rebbetzin Bruriah David’s Sefer Hazikaron Pachad Yitzchok). Imagine what Rav Huner would have had to say about the internet and AI.

Rav Zilberstein goes on to castigate what seems relatively innocent compared to the horrific lures of today’s media. He criticizes those who sell and advertise drinks with names such as “taam hachaim – the taste of life.”

“This is the taste of life?” he says. “It is only Torah and mitzvos that are the true taste of life.”

Ironically and very sadly, we almost laugh at this worry when compared with the true evils and spurious lies we face constantly. I don’t know if this one has come to Rav Zilberstein yet, but my rebbi would surely have directed the full force of one of his maamorim at this phenomenon. A so-called influencer on the Democratic side of the political spectrum has actually been advocating for shoplifting and other forms of robbery as legitimate ways of political expression. Others have rushed to the side of a recent murderer who killed someone in cold blood because he disagreed with his politics.

While the antidote to all of this is surely a proper kabbolas haTorah, as Rav Zilberstein says, we must first shield our children and ourselves from these baleful influences. One way of doing this, as Hashem told Moshe Rabbeinu even before Mattan Torah, is to remember who we are and how must think and act. My rebbi was careful to announce in every volume of his Pachad Yitzchok that we will be learning Hilchos Deios and Chovos Halevavos — the laws of how to think and the obligations of our hearts. These expressions are a stark reminder that before we act, we must cleanse our thoughts and attitudes from the pollution around us. Becoming a goy kadosh and a mamleches kohanim is part of the antidote to the depravities that now fill the world.

Rav Chaim Friedlander (Sifsei Chaim, Shemos, page 302) offers us an incredible metaphor for understanding the task given to us at Har Sinai. He notes that somehow or other, human beings are involved in everything that happens on earth. Whether good or evil, it is man who does things, sometimes for better, sometimes for words. He explains that the reason for this is, as the Ramchal (Daas Tevunos 124) teaches, that since the world was created for mankind, every one of our actions affect the world at large. We may add from the often-quoted line of Rav Shamshon Raphael Hirsch that it is our task to be an ohr lagoyim, a light unto the nations. When we are worthy, we influence them to the best that a human being can be. When we don’t, anti-Semitism sets in to remind us that the world does indeed revolve around us. Rav Yaakov Kamenetzky explained this to mean that we want nothing for ourselves, only to elevate the world to the levels that it can attain when Am Yisroel keeps the Torah.

Rav Shimshon Pincus (Sichos, page 220), too, points out that Hashem’s message even before Matan Torah was that He had created us to be a unique entity in the world. As the Kuzari (1:26) famously taught, there were once four levels of creation: the inanimate, agricultural, animal and man. But then Hashem made a new species in the universe, Am Yisroel. This was even before we had heard a word from Hashem or performed a single mitzvah.

The Baal Shem Tov and Chassidus in general always taught that a Yid is different just because of his holy neshomah. That is what we learned from Rav Zilberstein and Rav Scher.

During the Shloshes Yemei Hagbolah, when we prepare to receive the Torah once again, we must recognize the sublime nature of being a Yid. Everyone knows that we are different. For the enlightened ones, this is a compliment. For our enemies, this is a source of jealousy and enmity. But the fact of mamleches kohanim and goy kadosh is indisputable.

In truth, this process began on Pesach, when we began counting Sefirah. Every day brought us one step closer to being the nation Hashem wants us to be. He created us with that holiness and purity. It is our task not to ruin or diminish it.

The Sheim M’Shmuel (Shemos, page 246) goes even further. The promise of being the mamleches kohanim and goy kadosh ensures our eternality. He quotes from Chazal (Sanhedrin 92a) that being a member of the goy kadosh is defined by living by the rules of eternity. This may be a reference to the teachings of both the Ramchal and Chassidus that it is our ultimate task to restore the glory of Adam Harishon before he sinned, before the edict of death had changed everything. When we think in the glorious terms of malchus, kedusha and service of Hashem (kohanim), we are transported from limited creatures to the infinite neshamos that are a part of Hashem Himself

If we try our best to absorb these ideals now, before Shavuos, we can hopefully ascend to the heights of our potential as man and Am Yisroel to be mekadesh Sheim Shomayim and bring the geulah sheleimah bemeheirah beyomeinu. Amein.

From what I understand, the tickets sold out in four hours. Every available seat for the fifth Maamad Adirei HaTorah were gone within four hours of going on sale. The event is scheduled for May 31st at the Xfinity Mobile Arena in Philadelphia, but I heard that the demand was so overwhelming that organizers weighed a move to a venue that holds many more.

I’m not sure if that is true, but they don’t say that stuff about me and you.

But maybe they do. At least in a way. I find myself reflecting on a Gemara that we all know, yet is so cryptic in so many ways. Every year, in the weeks between Pesach and Shavuos, we review it, and now, on the cusp of one of the largest gatherings celebrating limud with rabbeim, chavrusos and yeshiva, I find it more pertinent than ever.

Yevamos 62b. Twenty-four thousand talmidim of Rabi Akiva. Ascara. The worst. Why? The Gemara tells us, with unsettling brevity, that they died because lo nohagu kavod zeh bozeh — translated in the American vernacular, they did not treat one another with proper respect. What I cannot stop wondering, despite the countless conjectures through all of my rabbeim’s shmuessen and postulations, is: What, precisely, did they do or fail to do?

Indeed, throughout my schooling, every one of my rabbeim and teachers seized the opportunity for lessons in betterment of bein adam lachaveiro. The twenty-four thousand have served as the cautionary tale of choice for every conceivable interpersonal failing. In kindergarten, they apparently did not share their snacks. In yeshiva, they allegedly held less than charitable opinions of certain chavrusos. In bais medrash, maybe they were mevatel the chaburos that their friends gave. It seems that the nebulous vacuum invited every “baal mussar” to fill it with whatever we happen to be guilty of in any given season.

But there is a source in Koheles Rabbah (perek yud alef) that seems to cut through the ambiguity with remarkable clarity. Rabi Akiva himself, in an almost autobiographical soliloquy, relates how he had 12,000 talmidim (the Medrash does not say pairs) who were niftar between Pesach and Atzeres. In his opening statement, he offers no reason. Only when he goes on to describe how he then taught seven (not five) new talmidim does he give us a window into what the aveirah may have been. Addressing his surviving talmidim in the aftermath of the catastrophe, he tells them directly: “Harishonim lo meisu ela mipnei shehoysah eineihem tzarah baTorah zeh lazeh. Atem lo tihiyu kein. The earlier ones died only because their eyes were tzarah toward one another in Torah. You should not be this way.”

The Medrash goes on to tell us how those seven talmidim, among them Rabi Shimon bar Yochai, reacted: “Miyad amdu umilu kol Eretz Yisroel Torah. Immediately they stood up and filled all of Eretz Yisroel with Torah.”

Just seven talmidim. Not twelve thousand. Sheva yechidim who heard the mussar, internalized it, and miyad, without delay, without a vaad, without a five-year plan, went out and filled an entire land with Torah.

Not in sharing snacks. Not even in accepting someone as a chavrusa or smiling at a shtickel Torah, but something totally different. It was not a lack of kavod in the usual social sense. Somehow it seems that there was a tzimtzum in their harbotzas Torah.

I thought about this while thinking about the Adirei HaTorah and the unimaginable amount of harbotzas and hafotzas Torah that has emanated from the bais medrash of Rav Aharon Kotler since the founding of Bais Medrash Govoah in America.

But even added to the actual proliferation of Torah itself, Rabi Akiva, who once boasted as a shepherd of his animosity toward talmidei chachomim, became the symbol of “V’ahavta lereiacha kamocha.” And where does it manifest most? Zeh klal gadol baTorah! The love. The sharing. The proliferation must be in Torah.

An event that fills an arena with tens of thousands declaring their love for Torah and those who learn it is indeed extraordinary. The chashivus haTorah on display is real, and it matters.

And it transcends more than just the internal pilpul in the halls of the yeshiva. “Miyad amdu umilu kol Eretz Yisroel Torah. Immediately they stood up and filled all of Eretz Yisroel with Torah.”

Fill the land with Torah. Establish kollelim. Build yeshivos. Grow talmidim. That is the celebration.

I was reminded of this a while back when I was at a Shabbaton in Kisvarda, Hungary, where I watched Rav Dovid Cohen, the Chevroner rosh yeshiva, interact with a group of Hungarian baalei teshuvah. Over the Shabbos, perhaps six or seven young men, newcomers to learning, offered divrei Torah — brief, tentative, the kind a seasoned talmid chochom might receive with patient tolerance and move on.

That is not what happened. Every time one of these young men finished speaking, Rav Cohen rose from his seat, walked over, took the fellow’s hand in both of his, and told him — warmly and specifically — why what he had said was beautiful.

The opposite of tzoras ayin. In the hands of a gadol, it looked effortless. It was not.

A while back, a former talmid met me and shared a story from his sophomore year in high school. He had been given hagbah based entirely on the assumption that a young man of his size must know what he is doing. He did not. The Torah began to wobble. The boys began to shout. He got it back to the shulchan, but the experience was, in his words, mortifying.

What he remembered, twenty-five years later, was that a relatively small rebbi walked over quietly afterward and taught him exactly how to do it. How to lift the Torah. He demonstrated. That Shabbos in shul, the boy did it perfectly. He told me that he has performed hagbah many dozens of times since.

I have an extremely vague memory of this. At the time, it did not occur to me to think of it as anything. But teaching someone how to show the Torah to the world may indeed be the greatest achievement in one’s life. Indeed, it is the voice from Sinai that penetrates an entire world.

As tens of thousands prepare to gather on May 31st to fill an arena with Torah, Torah, Torah, let us carry one additional kinyan into the room.

Eineihem tzarah b’Torah zeh l’zeh. Rabi Akiva told his surviving students: You should not be this way.

That many people in an arena is a maamad. Thousands of men who will then go home and fill the world with Torah is only paving a pathway to geulah.

Just saying.

Republicans Poised to Flip up to 14 US House Seats

“Republicans just won the redistricting war — and boosted their slim hopes for holding the House in November,” an explosive article in the left-wing Politico proclaimed.

The article went on to explain that, against all expectations, a liberal Virginia Supreme Court struck down a congressional map that would have potentially netted Democrats as many as four seats in the 2026 midterm elections.

Only 3 extra seats are needed to flip the U.S. House of Representatives to a Democratic majority.

“Shell-shocked Democrats are scrambling to pick up the pieces after the Virginia Court quashed a new map designed to help them seize control of the House in November’s midterms,” The Hill wrote, echoing the media’s doomsday tone over the Democratic defeat.

The ruling constitutes a significant setback to the party’s efforts to counteract the Republicans’ redistricting push in red states around the country, political analysts say.

“House Democrats fell into a state of anguish after the ruling came out,” reported Axios. “Depression dominated Democrats’ public statements and private text threads as the party absorbed its third redistricting loss in 12 days.”

With mid-term elections around the corner, fierce battles between the major political parties over congressional redistricting have erupted across America, as Democrats and Republicans seek to secure a majority in the House of Representatives in November.

The race to redistrict to gain an electoral advantage received a major boost after last week’s bombshell Supreme Court decision that ruled that “gerrymandering” by race (manipulating voting districts based purely on race) was unconstitutional.

On the heels of that landmark decision, new court rulings in Virginia and Tennessee striking down Democrats’ race-based districts have all but locked in Republican gains through “redistricting,” giving them as much as a 10-seat boost,” Politico reported.

Virginia Victory

Virginia’s legal battle unfolded after voters approved the Democrat-backed referendum in an April special election by a narrow margin.

Republicans quickly challenged the process in court, arguing that Democrats rushed the amendment through the Legislature to bypass constitutional safeguards and secure an unfair advantage.

Democrats lost at the trial court; the case went all the way to the Supreme Court of Virginia, which tossed it out.

The referendum was so flawed, experts say, that not even Virginia’s liberal Supreme Court could rescue it. The justices struck down the entire plan, ruling that all votes for or against the proposed redistricting amendment were unconstitutional.

Virginia Circuit Court Justice Jack Hurley said the Democratic-led legislature had violated procedural requirements by placing a referendum on the ballot that missed the deadline for such an initiative, because early voting for the 2025 election had already started.

“This violation irreparably undermines the integrity of the referendum vote and renders it null and void,” the majority wrote.

Using even stronger language later in the opinion, Hurley underscored that the legislature’s failure to follow the rules “incurably taints the resulting referendum vote and nullifies its legal efficacy.” The state’s Supreme Court said Virginia will therefore need to use its congressional map from 2021 instead.

Immediately following the stinging defeat, Virginia’s Democrats launched an overnight petition asking the U.S. Supreme Court to intervene. Legal experts say the petition stands little chance of succeeding, with even a NY Times article predicting it would be rejected.

“Some legal experts believe the petition will fail,” the paper admitted, “because the case is not about federal law or the U.S. Constitution but rather a challenge to a state law which is outside federal jurisdiction.”

After investing eight months and nearly $70 million to pass the referendum,” the Times wrote, “the ruling was a huge blow to Democrats.” This was $70 million of donor money that can no longer be spent on the midterm races.

Virginia Senate Minority Leader Ryan McDougle, the main plaintiff in the case, told Fox News that the entire state of Virginia should be applauding the state supreme court.

The Supreme Court ruling today affirms what we all know: you cannot violate the Constitution to change the Constitution,” McDougle said. “The Justices of the Supreme Court of Virginia affirmed that even the General Assembly must follow the law. This ruling is not a partisan one — it is a constitutional one.”

“The rule of law is the foundation of our Commonwealth,” the Virginia Senate Minority Leader added, “and today it has been upheld.”

Furious Pushback

Furious Democratic leaders have vowed to fight the verdict. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-NY, accused Virginia’s high court of “defying the will of the voters,” saying he was exploring “how to unravel this decision.”

He pledged to “employ maximum warfare, everywhere, all the time,” a fitting priority for the aspiring Jeffries, who stands first in line to become the House Speaker should Democrats reclaim the House in November.

Democrats had hoped the Virginia changes—later invalidated by the Supreme Court—would help offset Republican gains elsewhere, particularly after GOP-led states such as Texas redrew congressional boundaries favorable to Republicans.

Democrats had been aiming to implement maps that would turn their party’s current 6-5 edge in the U.S. House into a 10-1 advantage, but those hopes are fading.

“The recent court ruling gives Republicans a decisive edge in the redistricting war,” Politico said.

Chaos at Tennessee Capitol

The court rulings outlawing the use of race in districting have thrown the Democratic Party into a state of frustration and frenzy, media outlets report.

“Fury and Desperation Grip Dems After Friday’s Ruling,” the NY Times declared after the Virginia Supreme Court handed down its opinion.

“Democrats in Panic Mode after GOP Set to Gain 10 Seats_,” Sky News_ reported. “Chaos erupts at Tennessee Capitol as Redistricting Maps Move Forward,” a local Tennessee paper cautioned.

The paper quoted the shocking observations of an eyewitness to the proceedings at the Tennessee Capitol as Democrats and protesters resorted to throwing fits inside the Capitol building.

“The final vote in the Tennessee State House sounded less like a legislative proceeding and more like a group meltdown in a psychiatric ward,” the eyewitness wrote. Demonstrators howled, Democrats pounded their desks, flailed their arms and stomped out, and state troopers removed raucous gallery members.

“One Democrat Senator leaped onto on a table waving a banner, and refused to come down.

“Despite the cacophony, the Republicans calmly approved the map, presumably using sign language to communicate their “yea” votes through the racket.”

After the Capitol cleared out, Lt. Gov. Randy McNally called out Rep. Charlane Oliver for her crude and raucous protest from the top of her desk, as a vote was taken on a new congressional map.

“Senator Oliver’s outrageous and unprecedented display on the Senate floor today was disgraceful. She disrespected her colleagues, her constituents and this state,” McNally said. “There is simply no excuse for what she did.”

“The Senate floor is for deliberative debate, not calculated performative disruption,” McNally said. “It was conduct unbecoming of a senator — pure and simple.”

Despite the orchestrated uproar, Tennessee Republicans got the vote done. Governor Bill Lee has already signed the redistricting bill designed to give Republicans one more seat in Congress and protect President Trump’s control over the House.

Tennessee currently has eight Republicans and one Democrat — Rep. Steve Cohen, whose district is centered in the city of Memphis — in its House delegation. Under the new map, Republicans would be favored to sweep all nine seats, while Tennessee’s only Democratic representative may lose his seat.

Under the old map, Cohen’s “majority-minority” district seat was created under the Voting Rights Act, whereby voting districts are designed so that one racial minority group forms the majority.

But last week, the Supreme Court overturned that regulation, and effectively ruled that courts must first determine that there’s a provable case of racial discrimination before ordering race-based redistricting.

A mismatch between the size of a minority population and its share of congressional representation, on its own, is no longer treated as sufficient evidence of unlawful discrimination.

Mayhem in Alabama

Alabama is one of several states attempting to install new congressional district boundaries ahead of the November midterm elections. Its capital, Montgomery, was the scene of mayhem last month, similar to the raucous uproar in Memphis, as Republican lawmakers completed the redistricting vote during a thunderstorm evacuation.

Observers described Democrat officials screaming incoherently, gibberish, refusing to leave the lectern, and pulling fire alarms that blared incessantly throughout the proceedings.

As the thunderstorm escalated, evacuation notices lit up everyone’s phones, water began floating lawmakers’ cars away, and floodwaters seeped into the state house’s ground floor, puddling in the hallways.

Ironically, the violent storm ended a Democratic filibuster, which allowed Republicans to call the vote. The lawmakers cast their votes even as they were evacuating the chamber amid blaring fire alarms, with State Senator Greg Albritton standing guard at the chamber doors, making sure each member voted before they left.

The video scenes from the two legislatures “were so troubling and bizarre they almost defy description,” a journalist wrote. “Terrible optics for Democrats. Where one might expect dignity and professionalism, there was only mob mania; petulant, adolescent acting out. It smacked of desperation.”

Alabama Gets Green Light to Redraw Map

In yet another win for the GOP in the “gerrymandering wars,” Alabama received the green light from the U.S. Supreme Court on Monday to enact the redistricting effort the state had voted for in late April—one that could boost Republicans in two Democrat-controlled voting districts.

In a 6-3 ruling, the justices cited their blockbuster ruling in the Louisiana case last week that outlawed racial districting. A lower court had ordered Alabama’s congressional map to include two majority-black voting districts. The Supreme Court ruling this week vacated that order.

Republican Gov. Kay Ivey signaled last week that Alabama was “ready to quickly act” should the courts issue favorable rulings related to redistricting.

Trump and GOP allies argue the recent court ruling restores fairness after years of aggressive Democrat gerrymandering efforts in blue states nationwide.

Republicans currently hold a slim majority of just 3 seats in the House of Representatives, with 218 seats for GOP members to 215 for Democrats. (As of April 23, 2026, there is one vacant seat due to the death of Rep. Doug LaMalfa, R-Ca. A special election to fill that seat will be held on Aug. 4, 2026.)

With Louisiana, Florida, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama and South Carolina poised to redistrict ahead of November elections, Republicans are potentially positioned to flip between 10-14 US House seats in their favor.

Just one year ago, it was unthinkable that 10 House districts would be redrawn mid-decade to favor Republicans. Less than a month ago, the media was running a stream of articles hailing the Democrats’ push to win back a House majority, citing pundits who predicted that Democrats would sail to victory in November.

Rarely has a political situation changed so sharply in so short a time.

In the end, it was the courts — not fellow Republicans — that ultimately handed the biggest redistricting wins to Trump. Many GOP lawmakers across the country were not willing to heed calls to redraw their states’ maps.

“We expected corporate media’s gaslighting that Trump’s redistricting battle plan would backfire. But too many Republicans who should have known better also boarded the doom bus,” wrote Florida attorney and political commentator Jeff Childers.

“For example, Rep. Jay Obernolte, R-CA, said, “It was a mistake to go down this road.” Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick, R-PA, called GOP gerrymandering “bad for our country” and said, “nobody should ever go down this route.”

***

Democrats’ Desperate Measures 

The judicial defeat in Virginia has so rattled Democrats, some panicked voices have advocated doing something so radical, it sounds like something only a hardened demagogue would dream up.

A NY Times article reported the apparently leaked details of an “angry private call” between House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and top Virginia Democrats aimed at restoring a congressional (gerrymandered) map voided by the court.

“The conversation reflected the desperation and fury that have gripped the party after the state Supreme Court struck down the map,” the paper said. The individuals on the call floated a bizarre scheme: why not just fire all the Virginia judges who ruled against them and start over with new ones that would toe the line?

Calling the plan “audacious and possibly far-fetched,” the Times article explained that since Democrats control the legislature, they could rapidly pass a new law to lower the retirement age to 54.

Why 54? Does a human brain suddenly lose its ability to grasp judicial law at age 54? No scientific evidence was cited in the call. The number 54 was presumably chosen because that is the age of the youngest justice currently sitting on the Virginia Supreme Court. (The oldest is 73.)

The apparent plan is for Virginia Democrats to legally declare that every justice on the state’s highest court is too old and senile to do their jobs and force them all into immediate retirement.

Virginia judges are appointed by the General Assembly, where Democrats hold majorities in both chambers and can presumably pull off this outrageous move if all party members cooperate.

Virginia Democrats “could then fill vacancies on the court with sympathetic Democratic judges,” the Times article said. Party leaders advocated this sweeping scheme even though the vote was 4-3, with three judges voting in favor of approving Virginia Democrats’ racially based districting referendum.

No matter. For the sake of “protecting democracy” –getting rid of undesirable judges who don’t rule in the Party’s favor —all must be thrown under the bus.

“To Lefties driving today’s Democratic Party,” wrote a NY Post editorial, “it’s not “democracy” unless it’s hard-wired to let Democrats run roughshod — and when their power-grab schemes run afoul of the rule of law, their only answer is to devise a fresh scheme.”

Not all Democrats applauded the plan. Former U.S. Representative James Moran, D-Va., expressed reservations to Fox News Digital, saying such a move “could backfire” on his party. “We do have to keep our credibility,” he said. “We have to do things that pass the legitimacy test.”

***

Protests Inside State Capitols Likely to Intensify

Political analysts say the extremist confrontations now erupting across the country may be a preview of the coming midterm elections, with chaotic protests inside state capitols likely to intensify in the months ahead.

Some predict the Democratic Party will rally and overcome GOP gains in the frenzied run-up to the November elections. Others say the country may be witnessing the slow unraveling of a major political party.

Campaign strategists in both parties have sounded a note of caution, pointing out that if the political environment turns sharply against Trump and Republicans — perhaps fueled by rising gas prices and lowered approval ratings — Democrats may still succeed in unseating a couple of Republican seats in November.

With the Virginia map tossed, Republicans could wind up netting a dozen House seats in the redistricting wars, but that might not save the GOP majority, writes the NY Post, noting that the president’s job approval rating is currently mired in the low forties.

“The ‘old’ map still gives Dems an excellent chance to pick up two or three seats in Virginia,” the article said. “And even the Texas gerrymander that started the whole thing could blow up in Republicans’ faces if Hispanics in that state revert to their pre-2024 voting patterns.”

In counterpoint to this possible scenario, acting U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche cast the Supreme Court’s rejection of Virginia’s gerrymandered map as part of a far broader political realignment.

Responding to the ruling, he issued a blunt warning about what he sees as the emerging landscape for Democrats:

“Combine these court wins with nationwide photo ID,” he said, “with the end of mass mail-in ballots, and with falling oil prices once the Iranian situation is resolved, and all of a sudden the Dems are staring down the barrel of a 2026 midterm bloodbath.”

Knesset Summer Session Opens with Draft Law on Center Stage

The Knesset began its summer session this week, and the secular media used the occasion to continue railing against the draft law (or “draft evasion law,” as they put it). They feared that Netanyahu would somehow manage to pass the law this summer. In fact, the national-religious right was opposed to the law, and there were a number of members of the Likud party who vowed to vote against it as well, even if it meant that they would be disciplined by Netanyahu. However, something has changed. As the anti-Netanyahu bloc drew closer to 60 mandates in the polls, the Likud and Religious Zionism began to fear a new threat—that the chareidim would join forces with Bennett, Eizenkot, and Lieberman to form a centrist-chareidi government. (Personally, I don’t believe there is the slightest chance that the left-wing bloc will manage to accumulate 60 mandates, since there is a definite right-wing majority in the country, but that is a story for a different time.) After all, the chareidi parties would certainly get everything they want in such a government—not only government funding but a new draft law as well, and one that satisfies every one of their demands. Despite their repeated insistence that the draft exemption for yeshiva students must not be allowed to stand, Netanyahu’s political rivals are likely to give up anything in exchange for power, even if it means giving in to the chareidim. Remember, the Bennett-Lapid-Lieberman government was willing to fork over billions of shekels to the Arabs and to refrain from attacking Gaza in order to receive and retain the Arabs’ support in the government. Surely, then, some funding for chareidim and a new draft law would not even make them blink. Perhaps they will even grant lomdei Torah a full exemption from the draft.

But what about the judges, you ask? Won’t they strike down a law that exempts yeshiva students from military service, as they have always done? In the scenario we are discussing, there is no cause for concern. As soon as there is a government that suits the judges—i.e., a government that will cancel the judicial reform and leave them comfortably in power—they will play along. After all, they are the ultimate politicians.

This is the reason that the right-wing politicians have begun to reconsider their stances on the draft law, wondering if perhaps it would be best for them to have the law passed before the next election. Which would mean that it must be passed during the Knesset’s summer session.

However, after writing these words there was a dramatic change. Following an announcement by Netanyahu that there is no majority for the draft law and another request to delay its implementation until after the elections, Rav Dov Landau called for new elections and told Degel HaTorah lawmakers to withdraw support from the coalition.

“We no longer have trust in Netanyahu,” Rav Landau said. “From here on, we will do only what is good for chareidim and the yeshiva world. We must act to dissolve the Knesset as soon as possible. The concept of a ‘bloc’ no longer exists as far as we are concerned.”

Opposition parties Yesh Atid and The Democrats moved quickly to introduce a bill dissolving the Knesset.

In March, chareidi parties backed the budget on the understanding that the draft law would return to the agenda two weeks after Pesach.

Does Netanyahu Have a Chance of Passing the Law?

This past Shabbos, 17 yeshiva and kollel students were being held in military prison. All of them were arrested over the past two months and sentenced to time behind bars. There were also attempts made last week to arrest three more yeshiva bochurim, but those attempts failed. And as if that wasn’t enough to make the atmosphere tense and foreboding, yeshiva bochurim all around the country feel threatened. There is also the economic stranglehold tightening around the chareidi community. All of that can change in an instant if a draft law is passed: No one will be classified as a draft evader anymore, and government funding will return. There will certainly be petitions and court sessions that are likely to continue for an entire year, but even one year of quiet can be beneficial. However, if the legal advisors of the Knesset are opposed to the law, then the Supreme Court will strike it down in an instant. That is the problem.

Within the coalition, some believe that even if Netanyahu would want to pass the draft law, he would not be successful. Boaz Bismut, the chairman of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee who has been overseeing the discussions, says that his committee has no problem with approving any bill that receives the chareidim’s approval, with or without the legal advisors’ support. And when the law is brought to a vote in the Knesset, many are confident that if Netanyahu wants to pass it, it will pass. However, Netanyahu will face a challenge in dealing with the members of the Knesset on the back benches, who know that they will no longer be present in the Knesset’s next term since they will likely not make the cut in the Likud primaries. Ostensibly, these politicians will have no problem flexing their muscles and bucking the prime minister’s orders—although, on the other hand, this would be the death knell for their political careers. As far as the chareidim are concerned, though, this isn’t their problem. Mustering a majority in the Knesset will be Netanyahu’s headache.

And now, someone else spoke about against the draft law—Ophir Sofer, a member of Smotrich’s party who serves as minister of immigration and absorption. Sofer announced that he would vote against the bill if it is brought to the Knesset, provoking an angry reaction from Moshe Gafni. “He has no concept of the importance of learning Torah,” Gafni fumed. “It would be better for him to focus on his job as minister of immigrant absorption rather than meddling in the affairs of the yeshiva world.” Gafni went on to attack the members of the religious Zionist camp who have been opposing the Torah world, while Smotrich hurried to defend Sofer.

Aryeh Deri has announced several times, including this past week, that his Shas party will accept any decision made by the gedolim of Degel HaTorah.

We have to daven to Hashem to have mercy on us.

A Debate in the Knesset Will Not End Youth Violence

The chareidi press tends to avoid reporting on crime. Therefore, I assume that you are unaware of the maelstrom of outrage and controversy surrounding the subject of the mounting violence among youths in Israel. One recent egregious incident took place in Petach Tikvah, leaving residents of the city shaken. To make a long story short, a group of youths attacked another boy when he left the pizzeria where he worked as a waiter. The other boys were angered by the fact that the victim had asked them not to make a mess in the store, which led to a fierce quarrel that ultimately turned deadly. The young pizzeria employee was murdered for no reason other than that he had tried to quiet a group of rowdy youths. A similar incident took place in Beer Sheva as well. The secular media has been rehashing these stories for the past two weeks, bemoaning the depths to which Israeli society has sunk. And then, to make matters even worse, there is a group of youths, children of Eritrean infiltrators, who have been roaming the streets of Tel Aviv and beating other children, leaving much of the country wondering how the scourge of violence can be eliminated.

When the Knesset opened its summer session this week, several urgent motions for the agenda were filed on the subject of violence among young people. The minister of education will respond to the motions and committees will meet to discuss it … but then what? The leaders of Petach Tikvah, as well as Tel Aviv and Beer Sheva, need to understand that the solution to the problem lies in education; until they realize that, nothing will change. Even stiff penalties will not serve as deterrence.

In defense of Mayor Rami Greenberg of Petach Tikvah, whom I have never met, it must be noted that after the terrible murder outside the pizzeria, he decided to focus on outreach among the youths of his city. Prior to Lag Ba’omer, Greenberg announced that he would attend the bonfire held by Mishnas Shimshon for hundreds of students from their midrashot, with the goal of bolstering their activities. Mishnas Shimshon is a network of organizations that includes the Ohel Yiskah kollel in the neighborhood of Amishav, the Nefesh Shimshon kiruv project, and Lev L’Gibborei Yisroel, whose participants visit wounded soldiers undergoing rehabilitation in Tel Hashomer Hospital. The organization was founded by Rav Moshe Pincus in memory of his illustrious grandfather, Rav Shimshon Dovid Pincus. The yungeleit in the kollel spend time learning with the soldiers as well as with other irreligious residents, adults and youths. Rav Pincus has enjoyed incredible siyata d’shmaya, and his programs have attracted hundreds of youths from the city. Mayor Greenberg deserves to be applauded for promoting the work of these institutions.

Herzog Recommends a Plea Bargain

Do you still remember Netanyahu’s request for a pardon and President Trump’s involvement in the matter? Well, after weeks without a development, something has finally happened. Netanyahu hasn’t received the pardon he requested, but the president’s office has begun putting pressure on both sides in the case (Netanyahu’s defense team and the prosecution) to reach some sort of agreement that will terminate the trial. President Herzog did not accept Netanyahu’s request for a pardon, nor did he reject it; he simply made an effort to promote dialogue between the two sides, with the goal of fostering an agreement. A letter from Michal Tzuk, the legal advisor to the president, invited the attorney general, the state prosecutor, and Netanyahu’s attorneys to meet in the president’s residence to discuss the possibility of arriving at some sort of mutual understanding. The president’s staff explained that this is a preliminary stage before Hertzog begins his deliberations over the request for a pardon. The president would prefer to see the two sides reach an agreement that will put an end to the trial, and will consider a pardon only if that option fails. The letter stresses that accepting the presidents’ invitation should not be construed as an agreement with the other side or a withdrawal of their claims in court.

Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara and State Prosecutor Amit Aisman accepted the president’s invitation, which means only that they are ready to talk; this doesn’t necessarily signal their willingness to accept a deal. They also made two significant qualifications: There are to be no preconditions to the discussions, and the talks must not interfere with the progress of the trial. They refused to answer whether the talks will be held in the president’s residence. The prime minister, for his part, hasn’t yet given an official answer to Herzog’s request. It is not a simple matter for him; if he agrees to the talks, it might signal that he is open to the possibility of a plea bargain, which would lead to the question of whether he is prepared to admit to having committed a crime, to accept responsibility, to step down from his position, or to agree to moral turpitude. A refusal, on the other hand, might also tarnish his public image, indicating that he is unwilling to try to end his criminal trial even when the president gives him an opportunity to do so.

Herzog explained that he chose what he believes to be the best path forward. Netanyahu’s trial, he asserted, is one of the most divisive and polarizing topics in Israeli society, and he felt that it would be best to try to reach an agreement to end the trial without having to deal with the dramatic question of whether a sitting prime minister should be given a pardon even without having been convicted of a crime. In other words, Herzog is trying to find a middle ground, neither accepting nor rejecting the notion of pardoning the prime minister. The main question is whether he is calling for an actual plea bargain, which generally requires the defendant to admit at least to part of the allegations against him and to accept a penalty of some kind, or for criminal arbitration, which does not require anything of the defendant.

Musings in the Wake of Lag Ba’omer

The smoke of the Lag Ba’omer bonfires dissipated days ago, but I still find myself preoccupied by the events that led up to this year’s hillula. I read stories about the people who longed to visit Meron on Lag Ba’omer and managed to get there in spite of the many obstacles and the authorities’ opposition, and I couldn’t help but wonder if they were truly correct in their actions. Did they have the gift of nevuah to inform them that no missiles would fall while they were there, and that the police would show restraint and would refrain from beating them or causing harm? Then again, masses of people visited the mountain on the day after Lag Ba’omer, all with official permission, and this, in my mind, gave rise to the opposite question: What made the Home Front Command so certain that there would be no missiles on the 34th day of the Omer? Were they blessed with prophecy of some kind? What made it safer to be in Meron on that day than on the day before?

I found myself confused, left with the distinctly unpleasant feeling that the decisions had nothing to do with the actual degree of danger and instead were based on the type of people who were affected. Was it really too risky to open Meron to the public on Lag Ba’omer, or was it contempt for the religious populace that drove that decision? Yes, we must give thanks to Hashem for the fact that there was no tragedy; at the same time, there is no avoiding the suspicion that the decision makers were not free of bias or personal agendas. That would also explain why there was a sweeping ban on visiting the Kosel, which the secular government considers nothing more than a tourist site, during the war with Iran. Perhaps they view Meron as a place of recreation, rather than holiness, as well.

As it turns out, this isn’t without precedent. The Israeli newspaper Hamevasser dedicated its weekly supplement to Meron last week and featured copious information about the history of Lag Ba’omer in Meron. One of the articles reported on the events of Lag Ba’omer in the year 5716, when severe restrictions were placed on the hillula out of concern for public safety. There was a fierce debate in the media at the time as to whether the Ministry of Religious Affairs had agreed to the restrictions or possibly even participated in imposing them, or the ministry worked behind the scenes to limit the damage and at least to make it possible for the regular participants in the hillula to receive permits to attend. The ministry claimed that the decision had come from the police, and the police did not respond. According to a report in the newspaper Shearim, dated on the 29th of Iyar 5716, “The public wants to know and must receive an explanation as to whether the restrictions imposed by the police on the traditional pilgrimage to Meron were necessary, and if it was possible to make any corrections or repairs in advance to avoid an affront to the sensitivities of tens of thousands of celebrants who gather in Meron every year on Lag Ba’omer.”

The same question could easily be asked about the hillula that was restricted this year, many decades after that incident: Were the limitations imposed by the police and the Home Front Command truly necessary?

In any event, this Lag Ba’omer also taught us that Rabi Shimon is not limited by geography, and every Jew can connect to Rabi Shimon bar Yochai anywhere, not only in Meron—whether it is in Beit Shemesh, at Rav Shefa in Yerushalayim, in Givat Shaul, or in Yeshivas Ateres Shlomo, where the festivities were arranged by the bochurim while the neighborhood rabbonim closed their eyes. Shloimy Breuer, an extremely serious yeshiva bochur, managed to organize and produce a remarkable event, recruiting the musical services of Yehuda Appel on the keyboard, Yaakov Raphael with a guitar, and Mottele Rokach as a singer. Together, the group swept hundreds of bochurim to the heights of inspiration—of course, only after the conclusion of the night seder. The enthusiasm and passion that typify Meron on Lag Ba’omer echoed through the streets of Rishon Letzion, sweeping even the non-chareidi residents along with them.

Terror in Israel and Deaths in Lebanon

I haven’t written much about security-related matters, but the country is still suffering from the schemes of bloodthirsty terrorists. Last weekend, Border Guard officers arrested three terrorists who were planning to carry out attacks, including a Palestinian Authority policeman and an ISIS activist from Yehuda and Shomron. In the villages of Dura and Deir al-Asad, security forces arrested two terrorists who were planning to carry out attacks “in the immediate future.” In another operation in Shechem, another terrorist was arrested for past involvement in terror. And on a somewhat unrelated note, an Israeli soldier was taken into custody this week on suspicion of having stolen weapons, while another soldier was arrested on suspicion of spying for Iran. And I haven’t even mentioned what is happening within Iran, which has led to nail-biting tension in Israel. No one here has the slightest interest in spending more time running to bomb shelters or panicking at the sound of an air raid siren; on the other hand, we all agree that the Iranian nuclear threat must be completely eliminated.

As I mentioned last week, Israel is also facing the threat of drones operated by Hezbollah in Lebanon. This new variety of drones has proven difficult for the IDF to evade, and the weapons are continuing to cause Israeli injuries and fatalities. The army is currently working on ways to defeat the primitive drones, and IDF soldiers have been armed with weapons that might be able to overcome them. Meanwhile, we are still burying fallen soldiers; may Hashem protect us.

Ruminations of the Bereaved

This week, I received a copy of Otzma, the magazine published by an organization dedicated to assisting widows and orphans of IDF soldiers and security personnel. Leafing through this periodical gave me a small sense of the pain and grief experienced by tens of thousands of widows and orphans. The stories, many of which took place over the past couple of years, since Simchas Torah of 2023, are deeply saddening. For instance, there is the story of Motti Wieder: For many years, Motti habitually traveled to Har Hazeisim on Yom Hazikaron to visit the kever of his father, Chaim Tzvi Wieder, who was killed in the Yom Kippur War. Fifty-one years after the loss of his father, he received a visit from IDF officials, this time to inform him that his son Elyashiv Eitan, a combat soldier in the Golani brigade, had been killed in Lebanon. This left him with a terrible decision to make every year: Should he visit his father’s kever on Har Hazeisim or his son’s resting place on Mount Herzl? Elyashiv was born during the Aseres Yemei Teshuvah, and his bris was held on erev Sukkos when the family returned from the kever on Har Hazeisim.

This issue of Otzma contained a supplement titled Gaaguim (“Yearnings”), which consisted of poems written by bereaved parents, widows, and orphans. Sadly, I felt that there was a vital element that had been left out of the publication: the concept of emunah. The true source of consolation for these bereaved families should be the fact that their loved ones died al kiddush Hashem and thus attained some of the loftiest levels of holiness. With all due respect to the activities arranged by the organization—hikes at sunrise, surfing lessons, and a trip to the Secret Forest in Cyprus—I wonder why there is no mention of special tefillos, trips to holy sites, or other Jewish-oriented initiatives to benefit the souls of the deceased.

The opening pages of Gaaguim contain letters from President Herzog, Prime Minister Netanyahu, Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir, and Police Commissioner Levi. The chief of staff quoted Yossi Gamzu, Netanyahu quoted a poet, and Herzog quoted himself. No one bothered to cite a single posuk about the soul or the Jewish spirit. However, the opening letter in Otzma written by the chairwoman of the organization, Zahava Gross-Meidan, stirred my emotions. As a widow whose husband was killed in IDF service, she knows how to express the pain and grief that haunt bereaved families. “Over the past two years,” she wrote, “too many names have been added to the weight we carry on our hearts…. On this day, along with remembering the deceased, we choose life once again and pray for the strength to accompany us forward. Those who pin their hopes on Hashem will have renewed strength…. Even when it seems as if the world has stopped and our hearts are completely broken, we still have a force within us that renews itself every day—the power of faith, community, and choosing life.”

It’s a pity that the politicians didn’t take a page out of her book and include some mention of Hashem and Jewish faith in their own letters as well.

The Day of Liberation and Salvation

While Netanyahu’s letter in the magazine may not have had much in the way of Jewish content, he sometimes knows how to write like a Jew. This week, there will be a fascinating event that I find more meaningful with every passing year: the celebration of the defeat of Nazi Germany. The rest of the world commemorates the event on May 9, but I am referring to its Hebrew anniversary, the 26th of Iyar. In Moscow and in many other capital cities in Europe, this historic event is commemorated on its Hebrew anniversary and with Jewish rituals such as Kaddish, Kel Malei Rachamim, and other tefillos. The idea to mark the date specifically according to the Hebrew calendar originated with a man named Gavriel (German) Zakharyaev, whom I have mentioned in numerous articles in the past. Thanks to his advocacy, a law was passed in Israel calling for the occasion to be marked on its Hebrew date, and the annual event at the Kosel organized by Zakharyaev has therefore become an official occasion. The event is attended by a large crowd of cheder children from Yerushalayim representing the hundreds of boys who learned six million mishnayos in memory of the Jews murdered in the Holocaust.

I met Gavriel Zakharyaev several years ago, when his assistant, Dovid Mordechaiev, asked for permission to organize a hachnossas sefer Torah in the Knesset. The idea sounded bizarre and unrealistic at first, but it ultimately came to fruition. On the same day, Zakharyaev donated three sifrei Torah to three different places: One small sefer was delivered to the home of Rav Chaim Kanievsky, a second was placed at the Kosel, and the third was gifted to the Knesset. A few months later, the Knesset administration asked for the sefer Torah to be transferred to a different shul, since the Knesset is prohibited by law from accepting gifts. But I digress.

The annual event at the Kosel will be held this Wednesday. The guest of honor at the event is usually either Rav Yisroel Meir Lau or his son, Rav Moshe Chaim Lau, and the minister of religious affairs (a post held by Michoel Malchieli in recent years) is typically in attendance as well. At the same time, Mr. Zakharyaev appears as the guest of honor at a parallel event in Moscow, while concurrent events are held in capital cities all around Europe and attended by the rabbonim of various countries, including Tunisia.

But let me return to my main point: In honor of the upcoming events, Prime Minister Netanyahu wrote a letter in which he mentioned the tribulations that the Jewish people have endured in recent years. “Let us remember,” Netanyahu wrote, “that our duty to subdue evil regimes isn’t a one-time task…. Just look at the historic revolution we have created in this War of Revival. The small country of Israel and its great friend, the United States, are carrying the entirety of Western civilization on their backs. Our soldiers, filled with a sense of mission, are standing strong on all fronts to guarantee the eternity of Israel, with Hashem’s help, and we all stand with them.” Netanyahu went on to acknowledge the IDF veterans and to thank the organizers of the events being held in Yerushalayim, Moscow, and other cities, and concluded, “I must give my warmest thanks to German Zakharyaev, one of the leaders of the Russian-Jewish Congress, who was the driving force behind commemorating this important date on the Hebrew calendar.”

In the House of Hashem

Last weekend, I attended an American wedding. No, I wasn’t in Boro Park or Lakewood; I was in Yerushalayim, but it was an American wedding nonetheless. The father of the chosson was Rav Yitzchok Meir Green of Boro Park; I can still remember attending his engagement celebration many years ago. His father-in-law was the late Rav Avrohom Noach Klein, a prodigious baal tzedokah in Boro Park. To this day, the family still manages the tzedokah fund that he established, distributing funds to various institutions and needy individuals to honor his memory. On that note, I remember that Rav Chaim Kanievsky came to visit us during the shiva for my father; it was quite unusual for him to make the trip from Bnei Brak to Beer Yaakov, but he arrived and said to us, “Every act of tzedokah, every Kaddish, every mishnah, and every mitzvah that you perform in his memory will benefit your father in the World of Truth. Just imagine that he has no pillow, and then you perform an act that provides him with a pillow.” To borrow Rav Chaim’s analogy, I tend to believe that Rav Avrohom Noach has plenty of “pillows” in Shomayim thanks to his family’s ongoing good deeds.

The kallah’s father was Rav Naftoli Etzioni (Holtz), who is a descendant of the Chiddushei HoRim and the Tiferes Shlomo. The kallah’s grandmother, Rebbetzin Chaya Pietrkowski, lives in Lakewood. In short, it was an American simcha despite being held at the Nof simcha hall in Yerushalayim.

At the wedding, I met many members of the family of Rav Yisroel Green of Boro Park. Many years ago, when I learned in America as a yeshiva bochur, first in Lakewood and then in South Fallsburg, Rav Yisroel Green and his rebbetzin opened their home to me. The Midrash states that when Hashem instructed Moshe to travel to Mitzrayim to demand the release of Bnei Yisroel, Moshe said, “Master of the Universe, I cannot do it, for Yisro received me and opened his home to me, and I am like a son to him, and when someone opens his door to his friend, he owes his life to him.” That line neatly encapsulates the depth of my own feelings of gratitude to the Green family. And I was the second generation to benefit from their largesse; their home and Reb Yisroel’s office in Manhattan (where he later worked together with his partner, the illustrious baal tzedokah Reb Yossel Neuman) were open to my father during his time in America as well. In addition, Rav Moshe Shmuel Shapiro was hosted in their home when he visited America. I could easily write an entire article about Rav Yisroel Green; however, he would not want me to do that.

Rav Yitzchok Meir, the father of the chosson, is an outstanding talmid chochom. During the wedding, he shared an incredible vort with us on the statement of Chazal, “Rabi Shimon says: All of Yisroel are royalty.” This statement is quoted with regard to the halachic issues of going outdoors on Shabbos while wearing jewelry or using rose oil for medical purposes on Shabbos. Rabbi Green proposed an outstanding chiddush, which I will not quote here. However, I will quote the following thought, which he shared with my table: “On Shabbos Shuvah in the year 5755, I joined you for the morning seudah. You may not remember it, but I remember that I told you a vort that I had heard from the Pnei Menachem at a tish on the previous Shabbos. He quoted the posuk, ‘I ask for one thing from Hashem, which I shall request—that I dwell in the house of Hashem all the days of my life.’ The Pnei Menachem asked: How is it possible for a person to be in the ‘house of Hashem’ at all times? After all, a person must eat, sleep, and perhaps engage in business as well. The Pnei Menachem answered his question with a roar: ‘When a person thinks about Hashem in everything he does, then he is in Hashem’s House even when he is involved in gashmiyus!’”

Suppose you’re in the market for a house. You have a mental picture of the kind of place you want, along with a list of pre­ferred features. Day after day, you trudge around behind a Realtor, checking out the options.

There are so many different parts to a house. So much that can be right… and so much that can be just plain wrong. How do you weigh one against the other? Suppose you find a house that’s mostly what you want, but is lacking in some ways. How do you judge whether or not it’s a good buy?

To help you figure it out, you bring an inspec­tor on board. The inspector’s job is to check the place out from top to bottom, with the aim of ascertaining its overall “health.” He doesn’t concern himself with things that can easily be remedied, such as torn window screens or an aging boiler. His job is to discover, and to share with you, the potential buyer, the pluses and minuses of the house’s condition where it counts.

It would be the height of folly to reject an oth­erwise fine prospect because you don’t like the color of the living room walls. Obviously, that’s something you can change without too much trouble. However, if the inspector tells you that the place needs a new roof, requires an overhaul of its entire HVAC system, and has a problem with termites in the basement, that’s definitely food for thought. These are serious problems which call for serious repairs and a serious out­lay of money.

If, however, the inspector declares the house fundamentally sound, you’ve got something to work with. All the smaller details which aren’t precisely to your liking can be either dealt with or put up with. If the basic picture is healthy, you’re good to go.

A person’s physical health follows a similar rule. He may be plagued by such trivial annoy­ances as dandruff, ingrown toenails and a ten­dency toward acne. She may deplore her frizzy hair or suffer from occasional heartburn. But if the doctor pronounces their vital organs to be in good shape, they can, with good justification, call themselves healthy.

To follow the analogy: When engaged in the search for a life partner, it’s useful to set our­selves up as house inspectors rather than buy­ers. Doctors rather than patients.

A buyer can be fickle, and a patient can be ir­ritated by trivial complaints. But the question we should ask ourselves is whether or not a par­ticular candidate for marriage is fundamentally

sound. Our focus ought to be on the condition at the basic level, rather than the fixable or can-be-lived-with de­tails on the perimeter.

I’ll never forget a girl I knew long ago, who declared that she would nev­er marry a boy who wore brown suits. Sometime later, a mutual friend in­formed me that she’d just run into that girl, now happily engaged and walking with her chosson who was wearing… a brown suit! That long-ago kallah was smart enough to separate the vital from the trivial. She chose a husband who had the important qualities that she was looking for, and she was will­ing to either put up with, or work on changing, the kind of clothes he chose to wear.

On the Same Team

They say you should never mar­ry someone in the hope that they’ll change. That doesn’t mean that they’ll never change. It does mean that you can’t depend on it happening.

Many years ago, I knew someone who was not enjoying her marriage to a difficult man. She went to speak to a rov, who told her flatly that she couldn’t expect her husband to change. The choice lay before her: either to di­vorce him, or to undertake to change herself. By finding new inner strengths and different ways of coping with the things that bothered her about his per­sonality, she could recreate their re­lationship to make it both more func­tional and more satisfying.

She decided to stay in the marriage and do the necessary personal work to help smooth away the rough edges. And she’s still there all these years lat­er, with a healthier if not perfect mar­riage, enjoying plenty of nachas from their children and grandchildren.

It’s not always easy for an outsider to take a couple’s “temperature” to see if the marriage is healthy. That’s because what you see is not the whole picture. You sometimes run into couples who enjoy mock bickering in public as a way of being entertaining. Regardless of whether you approve of this mode of social behavior, what matters much more is how they treat each other when they’re out of the public eye. How they behave in private is the true barometer of the relationship.

The reverse is true, too. A couple who acts friendly and even affectionate in front of others but rips off the mask to treat each other nastily in private, is a couple that’s in trouble. It’s not the outer charade that defines the health of the relationship, but the inner reality. And only the two of them are privy to that knowledge.

Over the course of their years to­gether, it’s only natural for the first, dazzling impression to fray around the edges. Where you once believed your partner to be a pattern of perfection, you gradually become aware of the hu­man imperfections which he, like ev­eryone else, contends with. Over time, he also discovers the areas where you’re lacking. These discoveries can be dis­illusioning, but they don’t have to be devastating. What’s called for when that happens is to separate the basics from the trivial.

If the middos are there, and the good­will is there, you’ve got something to work with. Minor faults can be over­looked or smoothed away. Major ones require more effort. But as long as the foundations of the building are solid, your home will endure.

Someone wise once told me that a critical ingredient in a good marriage is for husband and wife to be “for” each other. They need to both be playing on the same team. They have to have each other’s backs. Then, when a disagree­ment crops up or a major argument erupts, on a basic level they’re still for each other.

There’s no worse feeling than ap­proaching your own front door know­ing that you’re about to enter enemy territory. Unfortunately, in marriages where the foundational level is flawed and left to flounder, this can happen. Let enough negative water flow under the bridge of the relationship, and it will start to crumble.

Your spouse, for all his shortcom­ings, must be on your side, and vice versa. That’s basic. So is principle that both of your middos must be kept in good shape. Like a house or car, main­tenance is crucial. Even good mid­dos can deteriorate if allowed to slide through lethargy or lack of focus. And problematic middos must certainly be noticed and weeded out.

Nobody is perfect down to every last detail. You’ll each have things to work on and areas that can stand some im­provement. But at bottom, a marriage thrives when both parties, like a good house, are fundamentally sound. Then, even if there are things to be worked on (and there always are), there’s a solid basis for success.

As President Donald Trump prepared to leave for his delayed visit with China’s leader, Xi Jinping, in Beijing, he warned that the future of the shaky ceasefire with Iran is comparable to that of a gravely ill patient on “life support” with no more than a 1% chance of recovery. Trump issued that dire prognosis to White House reporters after flatly rejecting as “unbelievably weak” the latest response to his demands that Iran’s leaders give up their nuclear weapons program, re-open the international waters of the Strait of Hormuz, halt its production of ballistic missiles, and end support for its terrorist proxies, including Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis.

After reading the latest Iranian proposal, Trump responded in a written message on his Truth Social account, declaring, “I have just read the response from Iran’s so-called ‘representatives.’ I don’t like it — TOTALLY UNACCEPTABLE.”

In an earlier Truth Social post, Trump wrote that, “Iran has been playing games with the United States, and the rest of the World, for 47 years, [but] they will be laughing no longer!” signaling his dissatisfaction with Iran’s latest response to his demands, which Trump had been led to believe he would receive on Friday, May 8, but which was not delivered by Pakistani mediators to U.S. negotiators until Sunday, May 10.

Trump told White House reporters Monday that among several non-starters in Iran’s response was a demand that the U.S. recognize Iran’s sovereign right to dictate which ships will be permitted to pass through the Strait of Hormuz. The strait has long been considered to be international waters, and therefore open to free passage by ships flying the flags of all nations. The Iranian response also demanded the withdrawal of all U.S. military forces from the region, and billions of dollars in cash reparations from the United States for the damage Iran suffered during the 40-day campaign of joint U.S.-Israeli air strikes.

Iran’s Latest Offer to Trump Was “A Waste of Time”

Trump said that he considered their latest response to be so unacceptable that he did not “waste his time” by reading it to the end. In its response, Iran refuses to even begin discussions on the fate of its nuclear weapon program until 30 days after the U.S. had agreed to Iran’s initial demands for a permanent ceasefire and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz under full Iranian control, including the right to charge tolls for any ship passing through. The main problem with that proposal is that the most crucial issue from the American point of view, the fate of Iran’s nuclear program, would be left completely unresolved until a later stage in the negotiations, while Trump has demanded that the first requirement of any deal would be for Iran to make an immediate and binding commitment to end its uranium enrichment for as long as 20 years, turn over all of its highly enriched uranium and pledge never to seek to develop a nuclear weapon capability again.

According to a report from Iran’s semi-official Tasnim news agency, last week’s Iranian response also demanded the immediate end of the American naval blockade of Iran’s ports in the Persian Gulf, a guarantee of no further attacks, an end to all Israeli attacks on Hezbollah in Lebanon, the release of all of Iran’s financial assets that are frozen in foreign banks and the lifting of all U.S. sanctions on Iran’s economy, including the ban on Iranian oil exports.

Iran Keeps Going Back on Its Concessions

Trump told White House reporters that the latest written Iranian peace proposal, which was presented to the U.S. through Pakistani mediators last week, also omitted several key concessions to which Iran’s leaders had verbally agreed. One of them was the surrender of Iran’s 972-pound (440 kilograms) stockpile of 60% highly enriched uranium, which American weapons experts believe is enough for Iran to quickly build 11 nuclear weapons with a minimal amount of further enrichment to 90% purity. According to Rafael Mariano Grossi, the director-general of the U.N.’s nuclear monitor, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), about 440 pounds from that stockpile was buried by the 15-ton bunker buster bombs that American B-2 warplanes dropped last June, destroying the tunnels of the underground Iranian nuclear facility at Isfahan.

Trump also said reporters that in a discussion of the current disposition of Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile two days earlier, Iran’s negotiators had told their American counterparts, “You’re going to have to [go into the bombed sites] to take it.” That was because what Trump had referred to as the dangerous “nuclear dust” of highly enriched uranium is now buried so deep under the rubble of the bombed nuclear sites that only the U.S. and China have the sophisticated excavation tools necessary to retrieve it. But, Trump said, that key concession was also entirely missing from the written response that Iran presented last week.

According to a Wall Street Journal report, the Iranians had proposed diluting some of its 60% highly enriched uranium so that it would no longer be suitable for making a nuclear weapon, and transferring the remainder to a third country, such as Russia, for safekeeping.

Trump Says Iran Is Defeated, but the War Is Not Yet Over

Meanwhile, in an interview with independent television journalist Sharyl Attkisson, Trump emphasized that the Iranian site that contained the highly enriched uranium was being “very well surveilled” by the U.S. Space Force, and warned that “if anybody got near the place, we will know about it, and we’ll blow them up.” He also said that the enriched uranium could be easily removed by U.S. forces “whenever we want.”

Trump also made it clear that when he says that Iran has been defeated, he was not saying that all U.S. combat operations against Iran are now finished. “No, I didn’t say that,” he said, and then explained that while Iran is “defeated, that doesn’t mean they are done [fighting].”

Trump also said that if he decided to resume the air strikes on Iran, the U.S. military could “go in for two more weeks and do every single target. We have certain targets that we wanted, and we’ve done probably 70 percent of them, but we have other targets that we could conceivably hit… that would just be final touches” of the plan for Iran’s complete destruction.

Last week, the White House also sought to portray “Operation Epic Fury,” the original military campaign against Iran, which began on February 28 with the joint U.S.-Israeli decapitation raid on Tehran, as having, in fact, ended with Trump’s ceasefire announcement on April 7, long before the operation had reached the 60-day limit for congressional authorization under the 1973 War Powers Act.

On the other side, in an interview with Iranian state media, General Akrami Nia, a spokesman for the Iranian military, said that its forces were at “full readiness” to protect the sites where the enriched uranium is stored, against the possibility that American or Israeli forces might try “to steal it through infiltration or helicopter-borne operations.”

Trump said that Iranian negotiators had also verbally “guaranteed that Iran wouldn’t obtain nuclear weapons for a very long period of time,” but that promise, too, had been omitted from the official written proposal that Iran presented through the Pakistanis.

Iran’s Leadership Is Divided Between Pragmatists and “Lunatics”

Nevertheless, when White House reporters asked Trump whether he thought that a peace deal was still possible with the current leaders of Iran’s Islamic regime, he responded that it was.

Trump said that one of the reasons that a deal has remained elusive is the fact that the United States and Israel had wiped out the top ranks of its leadership on the first day of the war, and that more than two months later, those dead Iranian leaders have not yet been fully replaced.

The president then added that breaking the current diplomatic deadlock depends upon the outcome of the increasingly bitter dispute between the more pragmatic Iranian government officials who desperately want to reach an agreement to end the conflict with the United States, against the hardline “lunatics” of the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) who want to keep fighting the U.S. to the bitter end, regardless of the suffering it will cause for the Iranian people. Trump also said these “lunatics” believe that their stubborn resistance will eventually force him to give in to their demands. But they are wrong.

Trump also offered a response to his critics who complain that he has no clear plan for dealing with Iran’s obstinate leaders. “I do have a plan,” Trump insisted. “The plan is that Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon.”

Trump indicated that another fundamental problem with trying to negotiate any deal with Iran’s current leaders is the lack of certainty. For example, he said that when Iran’s negotiators had agreed to his demand that it abandon its nuclear ambitions, “it [didn’t] mean much because the next day they forgot.” Trump also added a warning that if Iran did not agree to the latest deal that he has offered them, it was “going to [suffer] a lot of pain.”

Last week, while Iran was reviewing President Trump’s latest offer, he revealed some of its specifics. “It’s an offer that basically said they will not have nuclear weapons. They’re going to hand us the nuclear dust and many other things that we want,” Trump explained.

Over the weekend, as the White House was waiting for the latest Iranian proposal to arrive, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and White House Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff met in Miami with the Qatari Premier Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, who has been serving as one of the key intermediaries in the negotiations between the U.S. and Iran.

Trump Planning His Next Move Against Iran

On the day before Trump left Washington for his trip to China, he held a high-level meeting in the White House Situation Room to discuss America’s next step in the ongoing conflict with Iran. The other participants included Vice President JD Vance, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, CIA Director John Ratcliffe, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine, and Trump’s special negotiating envoy Steve Witkoff.

They discussed America’s various diplomatic and military options now that the extended ceasefire has transformed the conflict from a war of missile and drone attacks by Iran on Israel and U.S. allies, in response to the intensive campaign of air strikes by the U.S. and Israel on Iran, into a war of slow economic attrition for both sides due to the extended closure of the Strait of Hormuz to virtually all maritime traffic.

Many believe that Trump decided to wait until after his trip before making his next move against Iran in the hope that he could persuade China’s leader that it is very much in his own country’s best interests to persuade Iran to give up its nuclear program and to permit the resumption of free passage for all shipping through the Strait of Hormuz.

One of Trump’s current options is to restart Project Freedom, a military initiative under which American guided missile destroyers and up to 100 American warplanes to escort commercial maritime traffic to assure their safe passage through a new passage in the Strait of Hormuz along its southern coastline that is within the territorial waters of Oman, and as far away from the Iranian coastline on the other side of the strait as possible.

Iran’s Leaders Are Betting That Trump Will Give In to Their Demands

Meanwhile, the continued American naval blockade of Iran’s Persian Gulf ports means a loss to Iran’s economy of more than $440 million a day, most of that from lost oil export income.

Nevertheless, Iran’s ability to maintain its closure of the Strait of Hormuz in the face of the massive American military buildup has apparently encouraged its current hardline leaders to believe that they can dictate terms to President Trump. They are betting that Trump will be forced to accept their demands to get them to reopen the strait to all maritime traffic, because if the spike in the price of gas at the pump for American consumers due to the global oil shortage continues for much longer, it will threaten Trump’s hopes for maintaining Republican control over the House and Senate in the upcoming November midterm election.

As a result, according to Raz Zimmt, the director of the Iran research program at Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies, “Iran is not prepared to return to the prewar status quo and is demanding long-term economic and security guarantees that the war will not resume and that it will be able to derive economic benefit from the situation.”

The growing confidence of Iran’s regime that it will not only survive the current conflict but actually emerge triumphant was reflected in a recent post on X by Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian in which he declared: “We will never bow down to the enemy, and if there is talk of dialogue or negotiation, it does not mean surrender or retreat.”

Iran Claims Its New Supreme Leader Is Recovering From His Injuries

Iran’s new Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, according to Iranian reports, has recovered from the serious injuries he received from an Israeli bombing on February 28, the first day of the war. Iran’s military chief, Ali Abdollahi, has told Iranian state television that during a recent meeting with him, he received “new directives and guidance for the continuation of operations to confront the enemy.”

In a previous Iranian state media press release, Khamenei was reported to have issued a written statement on April 30 declaring that Iran will never give up its nuclear weapons program. “We and our neighbors across the waters of the Persian Gulf and the [Gulf] of Oman share a common destiny,” the statement said. “Foreigners who come from thousands of kilometers away to act with greed and malice have no place in it — except at the bottom of its waters.”

In addition, the Wall Street Journal reports that for the first time since he was injured, an Iranian official, Mazaher Hosseini, has issued a report confirming the nature of those injuries to Khamenei’s back and kneecap. Hosseini also reported that since his back problem has been resolved, and his injury appears to be healing, Khamenei is expected to resume a normal schedule of public appearances soon.

As Iran Keeps Attacking Its Neighbors, the UAE Quietly Strikes Back

Meanwhile, Iran has continued to attack its Persian Gulf oil-producing neighbors. The United Arab Emirates (UAE), Kuwait, and Qatar have all reported that they had come under attack again, likely by Iranian drones, on Sunday.

The Defense Ministry of the UAE said that Iran launched two attack drones at it on Sunday, both of which the UAE claimed were “successfully engaged.” While Iran denied having launched those drones at the UAE, it also warned the UAE that it risked a “crushing response” if it were to take any retaliatory actions against Iran in response.

That warning was particularly interesting because of a report by the Wall Street Journal that back in April, shortly after Trump announced the ceasefire, the UAE secretly launched its own retaliatory strike against Iran’s oil refinery on Lavan Island in the Persian Gulf, independent of the ongoing U.S. and Israeli air strikes. Iran did report at that time that the refinery had been attacked, igniting a large fire which would disable its operations for a few months. Even though Iran did not make any specific accusation as to who was responsible for that attack, it did launch retaliatory attacks against both the UAE and Kuwait at that time.

According to the Wall Street Journal, the Trump administration was aware that the UAE had carried out the attack. However, instead of being upset about the violation of the newly announced ceasefire, the Trump administration, according to the report, “welcomed the participation of the UAE, and any other Gulf states that want[ed] to join in the fight” against Iran.

While the UAE’s foreign ministry declined to confirm or deny on the Wall Street Journal report, it did point to its previous statements, issued immediately after some of the 2,800 times during the 40 days of war following February 28 that Iran attacked the UAE with ballistic missiles and drones, in which the UAE reserved the right to retaliate military at whoever was responsible for targeted it with a hostile act.

Shortly before the first air strike of the war by the U.S. and Israel, all of the Gulf countries agreed not to participate, nor permit their airspace or air bases to be used for attacks on Iran.

Nevertheless, once the war started, Iran decided to launch numerous missile and drone attacks against all of the Gulf’s population centers, energy infrastructure, and airports. This was an apparent effort to generate more diplomatic pressure on the United States from the Gulf states it had targeted to halt its air strikes on Iran.

The retaliatory attack by the UAE on Iran was also significant because it represented a break with the unanimous practice by all of the other neighboring Persian Gulf states, which chose not to respond in kind when they were attacked by Iran many times during the 40-day war, even though many of those Iranian attacks did significant physical damage and caused several casualties.

Iran Has Damaged Its Image Among Its Friends

However, because Iran’s attacks on the UAE were far more numerous than against any other target, they did significantly more economic damage by forcing the UAE to close its airports, hurting its tourism business. It also damaged the UAE’s luxurious hotels and many other buildings, hurting the country’s real estate market and triggering a wave of worker furloughs and layoffs. According to the Wall Street Journal report, the repeated Iranian attacks generated a “fundamental shift in the [UAE’s] strategic outlook. . . that now sees Iran as a rogue actor bent on undermining the country’s economic and social model based on expatriate talent and a reputation for safety and stability.”

The report that the UAE did join at least once in attacking Iran did not come as a complete surprise because of the publication in mid-March of news photos taken of a jet fighter in one incident, and a drone in a second incident, flying over Iran, which did not appear to belong to Iran, Israel, or the U.S. The jet fighter in the first picture was later identified as a French Mirage, and the drone in the second photo was identified as a Chinese-made Wing Loong drone, both of which are known to be in regular use by the military of the UAE.

It was also no surprise that the UAE decided to retaliate against Iran with an air strike because, according to former U.S. Air Force General Dave Deptula, the UAE’s air force is widely known in the region to be well-trained and well-equipped with a variety of modern warplanes and surveillance drones. As a result, General Deptula asked, rhetorically, “If you have that capable of an air force, why would you sit back and absorb attacks from Iran without responding?”

According to the Wall Street Journal report, the UAE also retaliated against Iran using non-military means. For example, it backed a draft resolution at the United Nations that authorized the use of force if necessary to in order to break Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz to all maritime traffic. It also reportedly closed several schools and social clubs in the city of Dubai that have known ties to Iran, and began denying applications submitted by Iranian citizens for tourist visas and transit rights through its territory.

Iran responded to that move by publicly accusing the UAE of joining with the U.S. and Israel in their attacks on Iran.

In addition, the UAE has broken with its oil-exporting Persian Gulf neighbors by recently announcing its resignation from OPEC, thereby declaring its independence from the global oil-producing cartel. The UAE was also the only state in the region that received Israeli assistance in defending itself against Iranian attacks in the form of an operational Iron Dome missile defense battery, complete with a small contingent of Israeli troops trained in its use.

Other reports of suspected Iranian attacks on its neighbors include a statement on X Sunday from the general staff of the Kuwait army, which said that, “At dawn today, the armed forces detected several hostile drones in Kuwaiti airspace, which were dealt with in accordance with established procedures.”

That was in addition to reports in April by the Kuwaiti army of two separate drone attacks on its northern border posts, as well as an undefined infrastructure target causing significant damage.

Also on Sunday, Qatar’s Defense Ministry reported that a commercial cargo vessel coming from Abu Dhabi was attacked by a drone in Qatari territorial waters, causing a small fire that was contained before doing extensive damage. However, in that case, Iran’s Fars news agency reported that “the bulk carrier that was struck near the coast of Qatar was sailing under a U.S. flag and belonged to the United States.”

The Shaky Ceasefire Is Hanging by a Thread

All of these attacks took place despite the ceasefire with Iran that President Trump announced on April 7. That truce is supposedly still in place, but “hanging by a thread,” because Trump is rapidly running out of patience while waiting for a more acceptable response from Iran’s new hardline leaders. Each new Iranian attack on its neighbors, or American interdiction of a ship traveling to or from an Iranian Persian Gulf port, is making the continuation of the currently shaky ceasefire increasingly unlikely.

The IRGC’s navy on Sunday also issued a warning in response to an incident the previous Friday in which U.S. warplanes opened fire and disabled two old Iranian oil tankers, which had been retired from regular service. They were apparently being moved to Iran’s Kharg Island oil terminal in the Persian Gulf to serve as makeshift floating storage tanks for oil being pumped by Iranian wells that can no longer be shipped because of the American naval blockade of Iran’s Persian Gulf ports.

Iran is trying to store as much of that excess oil as possible to avoid the necessity of shutting down its oil wells, which might cause lasting damage, reducing their total oil production capacity.

The IRGC Navy warned that any attack on Iranian oil tankers or commercial vessels would be met with a “heavy assault” against one of the many U.S. military bases in the region or one of its “enemy” ships.

Netanyahu’s Revealing “60 Minutes” Interview

Meanwhile, in a lengthy interview with CBS News “60 Minutes” reporter Major Garrett, Prime Minister Binyomin Netanyahu said that the war against Iran would not be finished, from the Israeli point of view, until all of the large stockpile of 60% enriched uranium was “taken out of Iran.”

In addition, Netanyahu explained. “There are still enrichment sites [in Iran] which have to be dismantled. There are still proxies that Iran supports. There are ballistic missiles they want to produce. Now we’ve degraded a lot of it, but all of that is still there, and there is work to be done.”

When he was then asked how Iran’s enriched uranium could be removed from the country, Netanyahu replied simply that “You go in, and you take it out.”

“If you have an agreement, you go in, and you take it out. Why not? That’s the best way,” he said, but he also made it clear that if there was no agreement, the U.S. and Israel would eventually have to go into Iran to remove it by force.

Netanyahu also said that Iran is not really interested in a permanent ceasefire in Lebanon, because it wants Hezbollah fighters to remain in their military positions in South Lebanon, threatening Israel’s border permanently in order to “hold its people [living in northern Israel] hostage.”

The prime minister also suggested that “If this [Iranian] regime is indeed weakened or possibly toppled, I think it’s the end of Hezbollah. It’s [also] the end of Hamas, [and] it’s probably the end of the Houthis, because the whole scaffolding of the terrorist proxy network that Iran built collapses if the regime in Iran collapses.”

However, Netanyahu then clarified that even though the toppling of the Islamic regime would be the ideal outcome, it was possible, but not guaranteed.

Netanyahu Ready to Start Reducing Israel’s Dependence on the U.S.

Netanyahu also stated that he intends to start immediately the process of weaning Israel off the current level of military support it receives from the U.S., which is $3.8 billion each year. He wants to bring that number down to “zero over the next decade,” because that is the only way, he believes, to establish Israel’s status as a truly independent military power.

He also said that when he told that to President Trump, and to his own people in Israel, “their jaws dropped,” in amazement and disbelief.

“I don’t want to wait for the next Congress” to start that process, Netanyahu insisted, “I want to start now.”

At the end of the interview, Netanyahu revealed how he was changed by the impact of Hamas’ heinous attack on Israel on October 7, 2023. “Before October 7, I was considered perhaps the most restrained prime minister in Israel’s history,” Bibi said, with regard to his reluctance to engage Israel in military battles. “Obviously, it changed on October 7, because they [Hamas] were going to annihilate us.

Netanyahu also said that when it first took place, “I didn’t think it was just an attack by Hamas. I saw it as it was an attack by the [entire] Iranian axis to try to annihilate us. . .

Israel Is Now in the Ultimate Battle Between Good and Evil

“And I said on the second day of the war, ‘We’re going to change the Middle East. We’re going to change this condition where they’re ganging up on us, thinking they’re going to wipe out the one and only Jewish state, wipe out 3,500 years of Jewish history. It’s not going to happen, not on my watch. And I said to Israel’s citizens, ‘Not on your watch’ either.”

It is clear that Netanyahu sees the battle against Hamas in Gaza, the battle against Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the remaining threat from Iran’s reduced but still dangerous nuclear and ballistic missile threat, and Iran’s continuing support for its network of Islamic terrorism, as a parts of a historic, global war between the forces of good and the forces of evil, with Israel and the Jewish people once again on the front line.

As we learn the parsha each week and study the words of different meforshim, there are, invariably, ideas in the Torah that feel less like commentary and more like a quiet unveiling of history itself. The Meshech Chochmah in Parshas Bechukosai offers one of those. In a few penetrating lines, he not only explains the Tochacha, but maps the spiritual psychology of golus and the conditions that make the geulah possible.

The Tochacha is like a cascade of consequences: If Klal Yisroel follows the mitzvos, there will be brocha and hatzlocha. If not, chalilah, there are curses of increasing severity. In the posuk that discusses our period of golus (26:44), “V’af gam zos behiyosam b’eretz oyveihem lo me’astim velo ge’altim lechalosam lehofer brisi itom,” Hakadosh Boruch Hu promises that even when we are dispossessed and forced to live in foreign lands, He will not forsake us or allow us to be obliterated, nor will He annul the bris that He has with us.

The Meshech Chochmah explains that golus is not simply random suffering. It follows a tragic but recognizable progression. The way the Hashgocha works is that after being settled in a country for a few hundred years, a storm erupts and we are blown out of that place where we have grown comfortable. We move to a new exile. There is pain, instability, and dislocation. We feel like strangers. And then we come together, strengthen ourselves, and build up our Torah institutions. The foreign land becomes familiar. Livelihoods stabilize. Houses are built. Children who have never seen anything else are raised there. And then something subtle but seismic occurs: The Jew begins to feel at home.

The feeling of comfort in golus is the turning point.

Because once Jews feel comfortable in a foreign country, golus stops feeling like golus. The longing to return home, the yearning for the Bais Hamikdosh, begins to fade. The tension between what is and what should be disappears. And at that moment, history begins to move again, not gently, but forcefully.

And then, sometimes painfully, the illusion breaks. The Jewish people once again begin hearing those hate-filled voices that shout at them to leave and go somewhere else.

So has it been throughout the ages.

In recent days, Jews in England, particularly in London, have been reminded of this pattern in a most jarring way. A stabbing attack in Golders Green left two Jewish people who were walking on a street wounded. It was declared a terrorist incident.

Leading up to it, there were arson attacks targeting Jewish individuals, shuls, and even Hatzolah ambulances.

Authorities have raised the national threat level to “severe,” meaning further attacks are considered highly likely.

This is not fringe discomfort. It is a shift in atmosphere. Reports indicate thousands of antisemitic incidents a year, with many Jews expressing fear about openly living as Jews. And not only in England, but throughout Europe, Jews do not feel safe.

In this country, as well, there has been a marked increase in antisemitic incidents. Not too long ago, it was political suicide to speak against Jews and Israel, but today, there are Democrats who do so without jeopardizing their standing in the party.

What is perhaps most haunting is not only the violence, but the sense that something once assumed to be stable no longer feels so.

And here, the Meshech Chochmah’s words echo with unsettling clarity. Golus contains within it a built-in instability. When Jews begin to feel fully at home, Hakadosh Boruch Hu has a way of reminding them that they are not.

There is no justification for hatred or violence. Those who commit such acts are responsible, morally and humanly, for what they do. But we must know that it is not random. There is a pattern, a rhythm, and it is meant to keep us connected to where we belong, to remind us who we are, to keep alive the bris, the connection, with Hashem.

Golus begins with distance, moves toward comfort, and then, when that comfort becomes too complete, it is disrupted, because golus, by its very nature, cannot become permanent.

And so, what we are witnessing, painful as it is, carries a message that Jews have heard before across centuries and continents. We are not home. These reminders come to spark us to work toward geulah, to do what we must to bring about the redemption. Recognizing that golus is inherently incomplete is the first step in preparing to leave it.

In earlier generations, when the Jewish people were blessed with leaders who could discern and convey the Yad Hashem in all that transpired, people were not as confounded by events at home and abroad. In the times of the nevi’im, people were often forewarned before a calamity would strike, so that they could accept teshuvah upon themselves and prevent the tragedy. And even when they did not, afterward they were taught that it was the Yad Hashem that had struck, and they would engage in whatever was necessary to correct their ways.

Even after our people lost nevuah and Hashem began conducting the world through hester, people still had enough faith to recognize that nothing happens on its own and that everything takes place through Hashem.

As time went on and people became increasingly less learned, they lost the ability to see Hashem’s Hand in the various manifestations of His din. They began attributing events to natural causes, without recognizing that what they were witnessing were Divine messages directed at them.

We read the news and wonder what we can do to affect the situation. What can we do to temper the hatred for Jews? What can we do to bring about peace in Eretz Yisroel and peace in the world? What can we do about the internal war on the chareidi community in Israel? What can we do to bring stability and prosperity to our suffering brethren?

We won’t get the answers to these questions by following statuses, scrolling through pundits, or reading popular columns of analysis, interpretation, and speculation.

The answers are found in this week’s parsha, Bechukosai.

The posuk states quite simply, “Im bechukosai teileichu v’es mitzvosai tishmeru va’asisem osam.” If you will follow the chukim and mitzvos of the Torah, you will be blessed.

The Torah promises that if you follow the chukim and mitzvos, “vishavtem lovetach b’artzechem…venosati shalom ba’aretz ushechavtem v’ein macharid…v’cherev lo saavor b’artzechem, you will live safely in your land, there will be peace in the land, and you will sleep with no fear.”

Everything that is happening today is clearly prescribed in this week’s parsha. The history of the Jewish people is all in Parshas Bechukosai. When we were good, life was good. And when the people sinned and strayed, then what the pesukim say will happen (26:14–44) happens.

The posuk states, “Im bechukosai teileichu v’es mitzvosai tishmeru va’asisem osam.” The Toras Kohanim expounds on the words “Im bechukosai teileichu” that “Melameid sheHakadosh Boruch Hu misaveh sheyihiyu Yisroel ameilim baTorah…” From here we see that Hashem desires that the Jewish people be ameil in Torah.

Chazal teach us that “Im bechukosai teileichu” is not only a promise of brocha for those who observe the chukim, but the words contain a deeper charge, namely, “shetihiyu ameilim baTorah,” that we must toil in Torah. The brachos are a reward for observing the mitzvos, but they also flow from immersing in Torah, from laboring over it and living with it.

When we study the Torah, we are connecting with Hashem in the most direct way possible. We are engaging with His word, and it shapes us, our neshamos, our thinking, and the way we live. Through Torah, we become refined, purposeful, and more aligned with what we are meant to be.

“Shetihiyu ameilim baTorah” is the heartbeat of yeshivos and kollelim, those unique places where Torah is not just studied, but lived with intensity and dedication. It is there that ordinary people rise beyond themselves, where human beings, through effort and persistence, elevate themselves and become connected to something far greater. It is through that striving that we merit the brachos of Heaven.

That connection to the Torah strengthens us in the face of a world filled with distractions and pressures. Ameilus gives a person clarity and resilience, enabling us to withstand the constant pull of a society that often leads in the opposite direction.

This avodah is especially relevant during these days of Sefirah. As we count toward Shavuos, we are preparing ourselves to receive the Torah anew. Each day of the count presents an opportunity for growth, for refining our middos, for becoming more fitting recipients of the Torah.

We, maaminim bnei maaminim, are meant to see the Yad Hashem in everything that unfolds around us—in every bomb, in every missile, in every mission, in every antisemitic act, and in everything we have been blessed with.

But that vision does not come automatically. It is sharpened and deepened through Torah. The more a person is immersed in Torah, the more clearly he perceives Hashem’s presence, in moments of challenge and in moments of brocha.

What we must do is clear. We need to increase our Torah learning, approaching it with greater focus and depth. We need to strengthen our observance of mitzvos, performing them with more care and awareness. We need to daven with more kavonah, paying attention to the words and thinking about what we are saying. We need to be more mindful of what we allow into our lives, what we read, what we watch, what we bring into our homes, where we go, and what we put into our mouths.

We take pride in our mesorah, in the harchakos and takanos that preserve our distinctiveness and elevate us. We do not seek to mirror the world around us or mimic it. We are striving toward a different goal, aware that we are away and remaining focused on getting home.

Foreigners who cannot find meaningful employment in their home country travel to countries such as ours, working hard and sending money back to their families and saving for the day they can return home. The same way, through Torah, mitzvos, and teshuvah and correcting the failings that caused us to be sent into golus in the first place, such as lashon hora and sinas chinom, we get closer to the day we can return. Each word of Torah, each mitzvah, brings us nearer to the geulah.

As we are maavir sedrah this week and study the combined parshiyos, we should take the time to work on understanding the pesukim and their eternal messages about us, about the world, and about life.

Because the message of Parshas Bechukosai is not only a warning, it is a direction. Golus is meant to be transient. The instability, the discomfort, and the reminders that are repeated throughout our history are not there to confuse us, but to awaken us. They push us to ask not only what is happening, but what is being asked of us.

The answer is as clear today as it was when it was first given: “Im bechukosai teileichu.” To live with the Torah. To toil in it. To allow it to shape us, elevate us, and reconnect us to where we truly belong.

If golus begins when we forget who we are, then geulah begins when we remember.

The parsha of the tochacha also contains nechomah, for just as we are told that if we sin we will be struck down by our enemies and chased out of Eretz Yisroel, we are promised that Hashem’s bris with the avos will not be forgotten and we will be brought back home.

May it happen speedily in our day.

I remember it like yesterday. It was a levayah held on Chol Hamoed. The nifteres was someone I knew, a fine, distinguished matriarch of a large family who had led a wonderful life.

I knew that the levayah would not be long because it was Chol Hamoed, and the Shulchan Aruch unequivocally does not permit hespeidim in such an instance. I figured that there would be some Tehillim and that’s it. Well, I guess I was naïve.

I remember a son getting up and saying, “It is Chol Hamoed and we are not allowed to be maspid… Nevertheless, for our choshuve mother, I will just say a few words of divrei preidah.” He then proceeded to deliver a full-blown hesped. By relabeling it “divrei preidah — words of goodbye,” he must have assumed, wrongly, that it was halachically permitted.

I know that perhaps there are bigger aveiros that a person can do than say a hesped on one’s mother on Chol Hamoed, but that incident got me thinking about what can happen when the Shulchan Aruch is not a “brick wall” that cannot be penetrated, but becomes like silly putty, molded by using different language to justify conduct that is not permitted.

When you decide that you are the arbiter of morality and simply change language to justify what you want to do, that is when things go off the rails.

When Reality Turns to Fantasy

I thought about this long-forgotten story last week after the assassination attempt on President Trump by a man named Cole Allen. I have always been fascinated by manifestos that people leave behind to justify murder. I remember trying to wrap my mind around the logic of the “Unabomber” when reading parts of his long manifesto and realizing how, at some point, his logic shifted from reality to fantasy.

Thus, last week, when I read the manifesto that Cole Allen had written as he fully anticipated being killed in his attempt to kill Trump, I was struck by how “normal” he sounded. He sounded like almost any commentator on left-wing media outlets and like many sitting members of Congress.

The only difference was his ultimate maskanah, his conclusion. If Trump was such an evil person, then he had to be removed. Murdering Trump, according to Cole Allen, was not a criminal act, but rather a heroic one that would save America and the world.

He then went into detail explaining the hierarchy of his moral code. Murdering Trump and members of his cabinet was, to him, the greatest mitzvah. But what about collateral damage? The Secret Service was also fair game, but he said that he would try not to kill hotel employees, and he would use the type of bullets that do not penetrate walls so that he would not inadvertently kill more people than necessary.

Let’s think for a moment about what was going on in the warped mind of Cole Allen, because it is a siman of what is going on in the warped minds of so many Americans on the left and even on the right.

They simply create their own moral code. There is no fixed definition of morality. I define morality by what I believe is moral. It is moral to kill the president. It is moral to kill members of the cabinet. It is even somewhat moral to kill journalists, because they are perceived as complicit. It is less morally justified to kill bystanders or minority hotel employees. You see what happens when there is no Shulchan Aruch, no fixed standard?

How Murder and Similar Crimes Can Become “Permissible”

Now let’s turn to a widely discussed podcast recently produced by the New York Times, because if you want to understand where Cole Allen got his “heter” to murder so many people in cold blood, all you need to do is listen to that podcast.

On the program, New York Times writer Nadja Spiegelman was joined by two far-left commentators, and they discussed topics such as stealing and murder, concepts that appear in the Ten Commandments and have been part of the moral code even for the umos ha’olam for centuries.

They began by discussing theft. All agreed that it is permissible to steal from wealthy individuals such as Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, because he is excessively rich and it is unfair that he earns so much at the expense of others. They described how they had stolen from Whole Foods, an upscale chain store in Manhattan and Los Angeles, and even coined a term to justify it: “microlooting.” Ms. Spiegelman admitted that she and her friend “microloot” — what in plain English is called shoplifting — because it is a political act, a form of retribution against large corporations.

Another guest on that program was Hasan Piker, an extreme left-wing commentator whose rhetoric has stirred significant controversy. Despite expressing admiration for figures like Hitler, he remains embraced in certain circles.

Recall Brian Thompson, the healthcare executive who was shot and killed in Manhattan by Luigi Mangione, another individual who operated under his own moral framework. Listen to how Piker justified the killing on that same New York Times podcast:

“Brian Thompson, as the UnitedHealthcare CEO, was engaging in a tremendous amount of social murder. The systematized forms of violence, the structural violence of poverty, the for-profit, paywalled system of healthcare in this country, and the consequences of that are tremendous amounts of pain, tremendous amounts of violence, tremendous amounts of deaths. And that was a fascinating story for me, because Americans are very draconian about crime and punishment. They’re very black and white on this issue. And yet, because of the pervasive pain that the private healthcare system had created for the average American, I saw so many people immediately understand why this death had taken place.”

So there you have it. When there is no clear, unchanging moral code, human beings can justify almost anything when their own seichel becomes krum.

This is what Yitzchok Avinu meant when he told Avimelech, “Rak ein yiras Elokim b’makom hazeh.” When there is no fear of G-d, when there is no clear, indisputable moral code of right and wrong, the distorted thinking of human beings can justify anything.

Because the Torah Said!

There is a beautiful story about the Gerer Rebbe, the Imrei Emes, that illustrates this idea. Not long after assuming leadership, the Imrei Emes declared that davening would begin at 7:30 a.m. every day, including Shabbos. Gerer chassidim throughout Poland adjusted their schedules and began to daven at that time.

The elder chassidim, however, found this difficult. They were accustomed to davening later, after hours of preparation, and felt that without that preparation, their davening was like a guf without a neshomah. But the Imrei Emes remained firm.

A chossid once told the rebbe that without the lengthy preparation, he could not feel sweetness in his tefillah. The rebbe responded by quoting the words recited in korbanos: “Tanya bar Kappara also said, ‘If they would add a small measure of honey into the ketores [it would smell so good that] no one would be able to resist the smell.’ Why, then, did they not mix honey into it? Because the Torah said that any leaven or honey are not to burn from them, it is a fire offering to Hashem.”

The message was unmistakable. Even if something would be sweeter and more appealing, if the Torah says no, that overrides everything. Zeman tefillah is a halacha, a din in Shulchan Aruch. No other calculations can override it. The Torah said. That is final.

Now, it is easy to take comfort in the fact that we do have a moral code, and that we would never justify murder or theft as acts of righteousness, as Cole Allen or Hasan Piker have done.

When Justifications Turn the Forbidden into Permissible

Nevertheless, even within our own world, we see people offering justifications for behavior that the Torah clearly forbids. We hear statements such as, “Our dor is a shvache dor. We cannot expect people to fully comply with the Shulchan Aruch.”

We hear arguments that girls must support a husband and therefore studying kefirah in college becomes acceptable. The Shulchan Aruch lays out standards of kedusha—what one may look at and what one may not — but, people say, this is 2026 and we cannot really demand that today.

There are countless other examples of this mindset and the reader can fill in the rest.

We must remember that in a world that has become so morally distorted — where murder, theft, and all forms of toeivah are justified — we must be especially vigilant not to adopt that same mentality, even on a smaller scale. The words “shehaTorah omrah” and “ein yiras Elokim b’makom hazeh” must always remain on our lips.

Whatever happens in the broader world inevitably influences the frum world, even the most insulated communities.

Beware.

If someone were to ask you, “What’s the worst possible curse?” what would you answer?

Of course, none of us want to hear that question or worry about an answer. But one of this week’s sedros, Bechukosai, gives us an answer, and it is something we can and should live by.

The first of the punishments — i.e., curses — in the Tochacha is: “I will assign upon you panic.” Rav Yaakov Meir Schechter, a tzaddik who has lived through many personal tragedies, writes (Venichtav Basefer) that behalah (panic or fright) is the first of the curses because it is the worst.

Our gedolim have told us that we are in the middle of the period known as ikvesa d’Meshicha, the frightening period just before the arrival of Moshiach (see Rav Elchonon Wasserman’s classic by that name). The rebbe of Grodzisc, who was murdered al kiddush Hashem by the Nazis ym”sh, was one of those who gave everyone around him chizuk at the last moments of their lives. He quoted the great Amora Ulah in the Gemara (Sanhedrin 98b) as saying, “Yesei velo achminei. I want Moshiach to come, but I don’t want to be there.” However, he taught his fellow kedoshim that “now that it is here, let us die al kiddush Hashem properly prepared.”

Rav Elchonon, too, was as good as his word. Just before he was murdered by the Nazis at the Ninth Fort, he calmly, as if giving a shiur on Bava Kamma, reviewed with his family, talmidim and other Yidden going to their death the halachos of perishing al kiddush Hashem. I had the zechus of repeating these last words of the rosh yeshiva of Baranovitch at that spot and I tried to force myself to speak with the same menuchas hanefesh as did Rav Elchonon. I failed miserably. How do we do better?

One of the most important lessons of Sefiras Ha’omer is preparation. Slowly, but surely, day after day, we prepare for Mattan Torah. Instead of worrying or even panicking if we would be able to live up to the new reality, we looked forward and counted up to the great moment. This was not only our finest hour. It was perhaps our best 49 days. We patiently extracted ourselves from the 49 levels of tumah and worked our way up to the 49th level of kedusha so that we would be worthy of the Torah. Of course, looking forward to a moment such as Maamad Har Sinai is not the same as worrying about death and suffering. However, human nature is such that any change in what we think should be happening can be devastating and traumatic.

That is exactly what happened after Mattan Torah. The Soton and other evil forces, from within and without, in the form of behalah, duped us into thinking that Moshe Rabbeinu had died. We panicked and “lost it,” causing us to lose almost everything. We would never be the same again until the final redemption (Sanhedrin 102a). How do we counteract this terrifying process?

The answer is to avoid the often self-imposed curse of behalah. When Rav Chaim Kanievsky had some kind of brain-related event — perhaps a stroke — he didn’t lose his equanimity at all. Realizing that something was occurring that could disturb his ability to learn, he quickly completed his daily chovos (learning obligations) and allowed his son to take charge of the medical situation.

Although I wasn’t there, I have heard from reliable people that my rebbi, Rav Yitzchok Hutner, was on his deathbed in Yerushalayim when a kindly nurse asked him, “Ha’im noach l’harav? Is the rav comfortable?” With one of his last breaths, he commented with a smile, “She’s asking me about Noach, but I’m holding by Lech Lecha.” It was certainly not a jest, perhaps a typical line of his to bring a smile to nervous faces, but even in death, he never panicked.

Rav Yisroel Salanter, too, was in his last moments on earth, attended to by a young bochur who had never been in the presence of death. The great founder of the Mussar Movement soothed the young man’s worries and calmed his nerves. As the Alter of Kelm, one of Rav Yisroel’s prime talmidim later commented, “Rav Yisroel was what he taught to the very end.” Undoubtedly, he would have preferred spiritually to prepare properly — viduy, teshuvah — at such a time. But there was a chesed to be performed, for there was an agitated young bochur who needed consolation and not to panic.

It has been pointed out that throughout history, if panic had been avoided, the world would be a much better place. The Arizal taught that had Adam Harishon waited another two hours, he would have been allowed to eat from the Eitz Hadaas without consequences. He “jumped the gun” and the rest is tragic history: ten curses for him, ten for Chava, ten for the primordial serpent, parnossah will never again come easily, death for all living things, difficulty in childbearing—all because of precipitous haste.

To return to Mattan Torah and the Eigel for a moment, had Klal Yisroel just waited a bit, just a drop of patience, Moshe Rabbeinu would have returned and all would have been perfect.

The Arizal added that even Korach, had he not rushed into rebellion, would have been named “Levi Gadol” and would have happily fulfilled what could have been a glorious destiny. Instead, he is forever associated with discontent, hubris and overextension.

Even Dovid Hamelech, who lived such a glorious life, sinned because he couldn’t seem to wait for the right time. The Gemara (Sanhedrin 107a) reveals that Bas Sheva was actually destined to marry Dovid properly, for Uriah would have died on his own, freeing Bas Sheva for Dovid. Instead, he had to fight thirteen wars, live through numerous revolts and insurrections, in addition to the agonizing decree that he could not be the one to actually complete his beloved plan to build the Bais Hamikdosh.

Rav Aharon Leib Shteinman (Ayeles Hashachar, Bechukosai) notes that Rashi comments about the curse of behalah, “Vetzivisi—I will command upon you.” He asks: Why does this klalah need a special command?” Since he doesn’t offer an answer, perhaps we can suggest that, as Rav Yaakov Meir Schechter pointed out, this is the worst of the curses because it has such far-reaching ramifications for Klal Yisroel and individuals. It may be that it therefore required its own commandment.

One of the major sources for achieving such levelheadedness is the Chovos Halevavos’ introduction to Shaar Habitachon. This section has become a bulwark for many people to make sure that they don’t lose their composure and sanity because of adversity in their lives.

Rabbeinu Bachya quotes there from “one of the chassidim” the prayer, “May Hashem save us from pizur hanefesh, having a fragmented soul.” He explains that “this is a seemingly minor matter but actually everything in our lives depends upon doing this right ” Rav Asher Zev Weiss, Belzer rosh yeshiva in Ashdod (Otzar Hamaamarim, page 315), adds that without yishuv hadaas — a settled, calm mind — a person cannot even be called a human being. He makes the amazing statement that one who has no yishuv hadaas is no better than a plant. The vicissitudes of life are always difficult to navigate, but if someone is thrown by every obstacle or adversity, he is no better than an animal, which simply reacts to stimuli such as danger by rote or instinct at best. A human being must learn to think, consider and make decisions based upon his intellect. For a Yid, as he points out, we also have a holy mesorah to look to for guidance and precedent in reacting to any situation.

We will conclude by returning to an amazing ruling from Rav Yisroel Salanter. One of his major talmidim was the Alter of Kelm. The Alter was known to be a profound thinker, who carefully considered every word and action in his life. However, this itself put him in great medical danger and he was often thrown into a true sakanah. The doctors tried to convince him to think less about everything, but he refused. Finally, the exasperated family turned to the Alter’s rebbi, Rav Yisroel, to help. He listened with a surprised look on his face. “You want me to help save his life by stopping him from thinking? Don’t you understand that the definition of a human being is that he uses his brain? If you deny him the ability to consider, think and make decisions, he will be in more danger than he is from thinking.” Chazal (Nedorim 41a) say that if a person has daas, he has everything. If he doesn’t, he has nothing. Let him be” (Otzar Hamaamarim, page 317).

Rav Yisroel was teaching us that thought is never bad. It is when panic results that there is true danger. The lessons about behalah almost seem contradictory until we realize that they must be taken together. Thus, as is often the case, there is a tightrope for all of us. To act thoughtlessly is not to be human. If we panic, the consequences and ramifications can be long-lasting and even eternal. We must think carefully and have emunah and bitachon that we are not just in good hands, but in the best of Hands, when we rely upon Hashem. We should ask daas Torah, try to understand what is wanted of us, and then relax and trust in Hashem.

It is well known that the Alter of Novardok taught his talmidim by example to act but never to worry. He would wait for a train even though he didn’t have a ticket. He would go shopping with no money in his pocket. This may not be for everyone, but we must learn from both Alters. The Alter of Kelm taught us to think deeply before we jump and the Alter of Novardok taught us to rely totally upon Hashem. These two imperatives are not all contradictory. The common denominator is: Never panic.