Netanyahu: Arrests of Yeshiva Bochurim Do Not Contribute to Progress

This past Shabbos was a sad day in Eretz Yisroel, as almost 50 yeshiva bochurim and kollel yungeleit spent Shabbos behind bars in military prison. And just to be clear, the fact that they are serving brief prison sentences now does not mean that they will be able to move on with their lives after they are released. Even after they are let out of prison, they will still have the legal status of draft evaders and will continue to face the threat of arrest. Moreover, every ben Torah who is released from prison is forced to sign a document in which he promises to enlist in the IDF. They sign the documents because it will make no difference regarding their problematic legal status; nothing would be gained by refusing to sign.

In general, after an arrest, the detainee is brought before a military judge after a few days, and the judge decides on a prison sentence as a penalty for ignoring his draft order. In some cases, the sentence matches the number of days that the prisoner has already been held, and then he is released immediately. In other situations, the prisoner is returned to prison to complete his sentence.

Meir Horowitz, a bochur who I know, is a case in point. Meir lives in my apartment building and is a great-grandson of the renowned maggid Rav Sholom Schwadron. He was arrested one month ago, and his parents told me after visiting him in prison that his mental state was very poor. He was unable to acclimate to detention—and, in fact, why should he? On Sunday, he was finally brought before a military judge. His parents were present at the hearing and tried to lift their son’s spirits. Now, what do you think the judge decided? He ruled that Meir should meet with a mental health officer in the army within a week for an assessment of the family’s claim that he is not mentally fit to remain in detention. If the officer decides that the claim is correct, Meir will be released immediately, but if the officer feels that he is indeed fit to remain behind bars, then he will be kept there for another 30 days and will then be released (albeit retaining his status as a draft evader). When I asked the parents why the judge wants him in jail for two months, they explained that he has been considered a draft evader for ten years.

Please recite a perek of Tehillim for Meir ben Hadassah.

Even Prime Minister Netanyahu recently weighed in on the ongoing arrests. At a press conference dealing with the agreement with Lebanon (see below), Netanyahu was asked about the arrests and responded, “You do not gain anything when you cause the chareidi hesder yeshivos to send me the message, ‘Mr. Prime Minister, when you send people into the yeshivos to arrest Torah learners and take them to prison, no one is going to enlist.’” Netanyahu made a small mistake in this response; although yeshiva bochurim are being arrested, the police aren’t entering yeshivos (yet). Netanyahu claimed that there is significant interest in IDF enlistment among the chareidi public, but the arrests of bnei Torah are causing a decrease in enlistment. And he added, “If I were to tell you that the police were entering yeshivos in a European country, arresting young men learning Torah, and putting them in prison, you would be horrified. The policy of arrests needs to stop,” he continued, referencing a law that is currently in the works. “It isn’t achieving the desired effect. I would impose an immediate halt to bring about the broad agreements. That is what I hope to achieve.”

At the same time, Netanyahu said that anyone who is not learning in a yeshiva should face the full weight of sanctions for his failure to enlist in the army—including arrest.

Man Points Gun at Chareidim and Is Released

The arrests of yeshiva bochurim are dominating the headlines. For one thing, the phenomenon has caused many protests in the streets. I presume that you heard about the protest convoy of slow-moving cars organized by the Gerrer chassidus to create traffic congestion throughout the country. I won’t get into the questions of whether this is the right way to oppose the arrests, whether a protest of this nature achieves the goal of freeing arrested bochurim, and whether it might simply stoke more hatred for the chareidi community. I will tell you only that there were two incidents of violence against chareidim during that protest. In one case, an Arab truck driver tried to attack chareidi motorists with a metal club; the police showed up, but they refused to intervene. In the other incident, a Jewish motorist from Maale Adumim pointed a gun at the chareidim. He was arrested, but the judge released him to house arrest, a leniency that the religious public found infuriating.

A police representative revealed in court that the suspect admitted to his actions, but his version of the events had changed over the course of his interrogation. He first claimed that the gun had been pointing at the ground, but after he was shown a video in which it was clearly aimed at the protestors, he changed his story. The police representative added, “The danger of this behavior speaks for itself. Driving a car while holding a gun and aiming it at protestors is dangerous behavior, to put it mildly.” At the same time, the police officer confirmed that the suspect had no criminal record and said that there was no concern that he would tamper with the investigation. The suspect’s lawyer claimed that his client understood that his behavior was unusual and that he hadn’t been in danger. He claimed that the gun wasn’t removed from its case and the suspect didn’t even put his finger on the trigger. “It is apparent that this was a momentary act of a person who might have been taking out his anger or perhaps acted out of despair,” he said. The weapon was confiscated, which makes the danger level low. Therefore, the lawyer argued that there was no justification for keeping him in custody.

All these things may be debatable, but the judge’s statement was outrageous. “There is a reasonable suspicion that a crime was committed,” he said, “and there is no doubt that threatening others with a weapon is a dangerous act. At the same time, the suspect may be kept under house arrest.” The judge explained that the suspect has no criminal record and his gun has already been confiscated, so there is no concern that he might threaten anyone with it again. Furthermore, he added that the incident took place “in a situation of tension and confusion, without a response from law enforcement. Blocking a road creates severe harm and itself poses significant danger to the public.”

Now, why is this outrageous? Because when the secular protestors staged their demonstrations on Rechov Kaplan, no one uttered a word against them or found fault with them at all. No one complained about the “severe harm and significant danger” involved in their disruptive activities. Yet in this case, when the protestors were chareidim, their actions suddenly represented severe and dangerous harm.

Meir Porush responded, “The release of the man who brandished a gun against the participants in the demonstration yesterday sends a message that the blood of the chareidi community is cheap. There is no doubt that the judge derived his inspiration from the mentality of Justice Sohlberg, the attorney general, and Police Commissioner Levi, which is spreading through the system. Last week, we saw through the cameras how police officers beat chareidim until their blood flowed. It seems that officials in the Justice Ministry who consider themselves guardians of the law are displaying the same evil, simply cloaked in robes and neckties and in back rooms without cameras. All of these people consider themselves gatekeepers, yet there are those among them whose malice and hatred toward lomdei Torah leads them to harm the chareidi community, whether with physical blows, through their legal decisions, or by cheapening their blood.”

It is a sharp statement, but it seems to be accurate as well.

A Violent Police Officer Is a Criminal in Uniform

The images of police violence against chareidi protestors have united everyone against the police force. As much as we all deplore violence and reject protests that are fraught with spiritual dangers and chillul Hashem, we are all opposed to police brutality. A police officer who strikes a civilian is a criminal, regardless of what sort of officer he is and who the civilian is. He is a criminal despite his uniform; he is simply a thug with a badge. For instance, there is a video that shows a yungerman attempting to free a yeshiva bochur from the grasp of an undercover policewoman. A police officer chased him down and rained blows on him, and after he was handcuffed, the policewoman came over and struck him in the face several times. That was no longer policing; it was revenge. At that point, she was no longer acting as a police officer but as a criminal taking the law into her own hands. There were also the three brutes who used truncheons to beat a yeshiva bochur who was lying on the road. How could this happen? Is this a lawless country? Had this incident occurred somewhere else or under different circumstances, the three of them would have been publicly condemned. There was also a case of the police officer who punched a bochur who had already been dragged onto the sidewalk and was lying on the ground. The policeman struck him at a point when he wasn’t offering resistance or posing a threat to anyone. That policeman was simply a bully behaving like the lowest criminal.

Everyone who has been exposed to these videos felt terrible for the victims’ experiences. The problem is that this isn’t merely a localized problem or an isolated failure. There are brutal thugs on the police force who unleash their inner animals whenever possible. This happens regularly at protests, mainly when the protestors are chareidim, hilltop youths, or Ethiopians, and it also happens in places where they cannot be seen by the public. Not long ago, a distinguished yungerman in Bnei Brak named Rav Chananel Tiran happened to pass by a protest taking place outside a cell phone store. The police seized him and pulled him into a store, where they presumed they would not be seen, and proceeded to beat him viciously. The beating continued even after he was lying wounded on the floor. What does that make them, if not criminals in uniform?

Lest you think that innocent civilians can be protected by the official oversight body, the Department of Internal Police Investigations, I can tell you from many years of experience that the DIPI does nothing but cover up the misconduct of the police. Even after the horrific incident in the store in Bnei Brak, the case against the violent police officers was closed. The Shas party has a long track record of filing complaints over incidents of police brutality, with almost no results. The party’s files contain hundreds of parliamentary queries concerning violent police officers, and the party has also introduced laws on the subject, but nothing came of these initiatives. How many police officers actually faced criminal charges, and how many were dismissed? Even in the three cases of horrific violence in Meron three years ago, all of which were caught on camera and shocked the members of the Public Security Committee, the cases were closed. The police and the DIPI take advantage of the fact that the people of Mea Shearim do not recognize the state and therefore will not file appeals when a case is closed, even if it was outrageous and utterly unjustified.

The Case of Yosef Chaim Lugasi

Does the police force protect violent police officers? Absolutely! Are the police capable of lying and denying their acts of violence? Again, the answer is yes. I will never forget the case of Yosef Chaim Lugasi, in which I was personally involved. The incident took place thirty years ago, in July 1996, when I served as an aide to then-Interior Minister Aryeh Deri.

Lugasi was arrested during what became known as the “Bar Ilan Shabbos demonstrations,” and I was asked to help him. The state subjected him to relentless mistreatment. Judge Yonasan Adiel of the District Court ordered him held in custody until the conclusion of the proceedings against him, and Dalia Dorner of the Supreme Court rejected the Shas party’s appeal against the ruling. Yosef Chaim Lugasi, who was 16 years old at the time, was a refined yeshiva bochur who was praised by everyone for his character and temperament. When he was brought to court, he entered the courtroom trembling and in shackles. The police accused him of throwing stones at cars and policemen, but everyone who knew the boy asserted vigorously that he couldn’t possibly have done anything of the sort. For the appeal to the Supreme Court, I solicited the aid of attorney Sefi Alon, who later became a judge on the District Court. At the hearing, two members of the Knesset whom I brought along, Dovid Azulai and Itzik Cohen, informed the court that they were prepared to host the boy in their homes (Azulai lived in Akko and Cohen lived in Ashkelon) during the proceedings, but Dorner insisted on keeping him behind bars. A short time later, Dorner ordered an Arab teenager released from imprisonment when he was arrested for throwing Molotov cocktails; she explained at the time that it was unconscionable to keep a youth in prison throughout the criminal proceedings against him. The blatant double standard was not addressed.

The lesson I learned from this story is that there is no place for faith in either the police or the court system, and the DIPI is no different. Here is another shocking element of the story: One day, at the entrance to the District Court, I overheard a high-ranking officer in the police force telling a policeman to testify that he saw Lugasi throwing stones. “But I didn’t see that,” the junior police officer protested.

“That doesn’t matter,” his superior said. “You are going to testify to it.”

I repeated my story during a polygraph test, which proved that I was telling the truth, and I filed a complaint with the DIPI. This should have been an open and shut case, but the file was closed instead. “The witness probably did not understand what he heard,” the investigators wrote to explain their galling decision, which was the most blatant cover-up imaginable. And that is why I do not trust the DIPI.

To make a long story short, the police have never changed. The blood of chareidim is still cheap today, just as it was thirty years ago, and the community is still vulnerable and oppressed. What can be done about it? Apparently, just as the chareidi community needs a public advocacy organization, it also needs some sort of entity that will fight its battles.

The Bill to End Arrests

Everyone has been claiming that the chareidim and Netanyahu have made a deal. I can add that there was a recent meeting between Deri, Gafni, Netanyahu, and the cabinet secretary. The group quickly reviewed four new bills, two of which are important to the chareidim while the other two are important to the Likud. For the chareidim, the important bills are the Basic Law: Torah study and another bill that will halt the arrests of yeshiva bochurim and possibly restore government funding for yeshivos as well. The Likud, meanwhile, is interested in a bill to split the attorney general’s position in two, which has already passed its preliminary reading in the Knesset, and another bill that calls for the formation of an investigative commission suited to Netanyahu’s interests.

The Basic Law: Torah Study has already been discussed by the relevant Knesset committee, and the debates in the committee on Sunday and Monday were fraught with tension. I will write about this in greater detail at a later date. At this point, the law is being prepared for its first reading. As for the law that will make it possible to halt arrests of yeshiva bochurim, the cabinet secretary asked MK Boaz Bismut, chairman of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, to prepare a text for the bill to be read in the Knesset. This measure, too, seems to be advancing. The idea was first proposed by MK Aryeh Deri, and the other members of the Knesset scoffed at him at first. However, it does seem to be taking shape at this time. We will have to wait and see if it succeeds.

On Sunday, Bismut publicized the draft of the new law, which many believe to be intended as more than just a stopgap measure. It is framed as a temporary measure for 90 days in which all enforcement proceedings would be frozen and anyone engaged in Torah learning would have his military service deferred for that period. Even though it is written as a ninety-day measure, it will likely remain in effect for half a year. The reason for this is that section 38 of the Basic Law: The Knesset stipulates that any law that expires within four months of a time when the Knesset dissolves will be automatically extended until three months into the following Knesset’s term. The temporary bill does not mention sanctions or draft quotas, for a very simple reason: It is temporary. As soon as the law is approved, criminal proceedings against lomdei Torah will be frozen for half a year.

From a chareidi perspective, there is a very clear advantage: For six months, Torah learners will not be considered draft dodgers or criminals. This will be a major relief to the 90,000 bochurim and yungeleit who live with the constant fear of being arrested at any moment. If the law is passed, the arrests will stop and anyone already in detention will be released. The law will apply to anyone who declares that he has been meeting the criteria of full-time Torah learning since July 1, 2023; the individual requests will be evaluated by specially designated military committees headed by senior IDF officers. Any youth who is approved by the committee will not be placed on trial, and any criminal proceedings already underway against him will be halted immediately.

The problem, as usual, is the opposition from a legal advisor. This time, it is the Knesset’s legal advisor who is trying to stand in the way of the bill’s passage. She has raised a series of legal and substantive objections to Bismut’s bill. Among other things, she questioned how it is possible to advance a law that provides relief to Torah learners, freezes arrests, and restores the legal standing of yeshiva students without including draft targets, criminal or economic sanctions, or enforcement mechanisms to guarantee equality. She also raised the question of why chareidi draft evaders should receive immunity from arrest while others from the general public remain subject to criminal enforcement. Bismut responded, “As the cabinet secretary mentioned, the continuation of the arrest policy will only harm the efforts to promote enlistment and will actually lead to a decrease in recruitments. This policy has created an unprecedented rift and tensions between the chareidi sector and the general public, as we have seen in events such as the blocking of main highways. Those who are championing this hardline approach are, in effect, giving encouragement to those who foment division and are enabling the deepening of the fractures within Israeli society.”

Will Hezbollah Be Dismantled?

An agreement with Lebanon was signed under American oversight on Friday afternoon. The State Department published the full text of the agreement, which reveals the principles on which the new security arrangements on the northern border are based. Washington described the agreement as a declaration of intent aimed at achieving long-term stability and laying the groundwork for peaceful neighborly relations between the two countries. At the center of the understanding is a mutual agreement between Israel and Lebanon to act to put an end to the conflict between the two countries. According to the agreement, the Lebanese government will act to restore its full sovereignty over all of its territory by disarming the terror groups that do not operate on behalf of the state (in plainer terms: by dismantling Hezbollah, which poses a threat to Israel). The IDF, for its part, is expected to retreat gradually from areas in southern Lebanon, in accordance with the progress of the plan and its implementation.

One of the main components of the document is the establishment of pilot areas in south Lebanon. In these areas, which were previously under Hezbollah’s control, responsibility for security would be transferred to the Lebanese army after they have been cleared of terrorist infrastructure and weapons. After these conditions have been met, the Lebanese army will take full responsibility, the areas will be rebuilt with international assistance, and residents will be permitted to return to their homes. Under the agreement, Lebanon commits to reestablishing the state’s exclusive authority over the use of force within its territory and to ensuring that no armed organization outside state control continues to maintain military or security capabilities. To achieve this, Beirut has requested international aid, mainly from the United States and Arab countries, with the goal of completing the dismantlement of armed organizations within the country and returning full control to the state. On the other side, Israel has clarified that it will undertake military activity in Lebanon solely in response to threats, attacks, or hostile intentions by Hezbollah. The document states that as the threat posed by the organization is eliminated and the disarmament process is completed, the need for Israeli military operations inside Lebanon will diminish accordingly. Israel also emphasizes that it does not intend to hold on to Lebanese territory.

The agreement stipulates that both countries retain the right to self-defense in accordance with the United Nations charter and international law. In addition, a joint military coordination group will be established under the sponsorship and with the participation of the United States. Its role will be to oversee implementation of the understandings, prevent friction between the parties, and ensure that both sides fulfill their commitments. The United States has also committed to coordinating a broad international effort to rebuild Lebanon. The plan includes mobilizing humanitarian aid, investing in infrastructure, promoting economic development projects, and supplying construction materials. At the same time, the United States and Lebanon pledge to prevent funds from reaching any organization or entity identified with armed groups that do not operate on behalf of the state, and to ensure that reconstruction funds do not end up in the hands of such groups.

Netanyahu Hails Agreement as a Historic Achievement

Everyone in Israel is trying to determine at this point whether the agreement with Lebanon is a good thing, and whether it is a surrender to American pressure or a stunning diplomatic achievement. When the agreement takes effect, a team will be formed to draft a comprehensive peace and security agreement between Israel and Lebanon. In addition, a permanent channel of dialogue, mediated by the United States, will be created, and both countries have committed to continuing negotiations in good faith until a permanent arrangement is reached. At the same time, implementation of the pilot program in southern Lebanon hasn’t yet been scheduled, since the American army will first have to train the Lebanese army for the tasks that will be assigned to it. The success of the plan, according to individuals involved in the talks, largely depends on American involvement and the progress on disarming Hezbollah.

Netanyahu is touting the agreement as a major accomplishment. “Citizens of Israel,” he announced, “I would like to inform you about a great accomplishment of the State of Israel. You know that we are conducting negotiations in Washington between representatives of Israel, Lebanon, and the United States. It is an ongoing negotiation, and today it has borne fruit. The most important thing is that Israel will remain in the security strip in southern Lebanon. That is a great achievement, and we will maintain our presence as long as Hezbollah hasn’t been disarmed and there is still a threat to the State of Israel. It is also a major blow to Iran. Iran is trying to force us into retreating from south Lebanon, and Israel, Lebanon, and the United States are basically telling them that it is none of their business. They have no place in Lebanon, nor does Hezbollah or any other terror group.

“The other thing,” the prime minister continued, “is that we are enabling the Lebanese army to begin organizing itself to take control of its territory. We are creating two pilot zones, both on the IDF’s recommendations. One of those areas is outside the security zone, south of the Litani River, while the other is north of the Litani. A small part of it lies within the expanded security zone that we secured over the past two weeks, and that the IDF has clearly stated that it no longer needs. We are constantly maintaining the original security zone, outside the range of anti-tank missiles. We will not allow Hezbollah or the population to enter it. The most important thing is that Israel is declaring that our security is above all.”

Netanyahu sounds triumphant, but if you ask Lieberman, Bennett, or Eizenkot, they will tell you that the much-touted agreement is really a capitulation.

Bennett and Lapid Sink While Eizenkot Rises in Polls

There isn’t much new on the political front, other than the fact that Netanyahu announced in a speech to the nation about the agreement with Lebanon that he intends to create a “national government” after the election. Does that mean that the chareidim will be excluded? Or the right-wing extremists? This little comment drew fierce reactions from his rivals on the center-left and from Ben-Gvir. Other than that, the only political development is one that I have discussed already: Bennett and Lapid’s new party, B’Yachad, is continuing its decline, to the point that some believe that Bennett will soon back out. And in this situation, there is no reason to believe that Eizenkot, who is rising in the polls, would have any reason to join them.

Speaking of Eizenkot, here is a textbook example of media manipulation. The media is determined to unseat Netanyahu, and as far as they are concerned, it makes no difference who will replace him. As long as the prime minister disappears from our lives, they will be satisfied. As long as they thought that Naftoli Bennett had the greatest chance of defeating him, every journalist in the country supported him, even though they also agree that he is a serial fraudster. That is why they celebrated the merger between Bennett and Lapid. But now that Eizenkot is rising in the polls while Bennett and Lapid are sinking, that makes Eizenkot the media’s “savior,” and he has become their latest darling.

None of that, however, is especially underhanded. But on Friday, the day of its weekend edition, Yediot Acharonot ran the following headline: “While Israel is held captive in Netanyahu’s trap of fear, Gadi Eizenkot, the opposing bloc’s candidate for prime minister, returned to the Gaza envelope this week with a promise to crush Hamas politically and militarily.” While Yediot tried to depict Eizenkot as the candidate for prime minister of the entire left-wing bloc, his colleagues Lapid, Lieberman, and Bennett have yet to designate him as such. But Yediot isn’t concerned with the facts. They are part of the campaign to bring down Netanyahu, and since Eizenkot is their greatest hope, they have no qualms about prematurely crowning Eizenkot as the new leading candidate and almost the next prime minister. The next step will simply be calling on everyone to vote for him.

The other media outlets aren’t much different. For instance, take this news blurb: “Former chief of staff and head of the Yashar party Gadi Eizenkot toured the Gaza envelope today and met with captivity survivor Doron Steinbrecher in the neighborhood from which she was abducted.” The entire article is essentially promotional material for Eizenkot, but that isn’t the worst part. The real question is why Eizenkot is billed as a former chief of staff, a description that isn’t used when Benny Gantz is mentioned, even though he held the same position. For that matter, Netanyahu could also be described as “former member of Sayeret Matkal” to invoke his service in an elite IDF unit. But if the newspapers can subtly shift their readers’ sentiments to favor Eizenkot, why not?

Terror Tunnel Discovered Near Yerushalayim

In case you thought that our enemies were taking a break from scheming against us, I will sadly have to disabuse you of that notion. This week, two suspects were arrested on suspicion of digging a tunnel near the A’zaim checkpoint and carrying out terror activities. The arrests took place after the discovery of a tunnel dug from the West Bank toward Yerushalayim at a depth of about 25 meters. The tunnel was first detected by the Civil Administration, which reported it to security forces. Police officers and Border Guard officers who arrived at the scene confiscated digging equipment, water bottles, gloves, face masks, and other equipment. The suspects are a Palestinian and an Arab resident of East Yerushalayim, both in their thirties. They were arrested early in the morning in a joint operation of the Border Guard and Yerushalayim police and then were placed in custody for questioning. The police are examining the suspicion that the tunnel was dug recently and was intended to be used for carrying out security crimes, including terror operations and smuggling illegal residents into Israel.

In another incident, the IDF spokesman reported on Sunday that forces from the 91st Division and the 551st Brigade Combat Team are operating approximately ten kilometers inside Lebanon, in the area of the village of Majdal Zoun. According to the report, the operation uncovered a major terrorist installation, including a large, heavily fortified underground tunnel system. The findings indicate that the village was saturated with terrorist infrastructure. Among the discoveries was an underground passage more than 200 meters long and over 25 meters deep. Inside the tunnel were four missile launch shafts aimed at Israel, along with twelve rooms used as living quarters and stores of explosive devices, anti-tank missiles, and unmanned aerial vehicles. During the operation, over 20 Hezbollah terrorists were eliminated, including more than ten terrorists from the Radwan unit. Over 50 terrorist installations were destroyed, including observation posts and weapons depots.

And then there was a third development: Officers from the Gidonim Unit of Lahav 433, working together with the Shin Bet and under the direction of the Shomron Brigade, arrested a Tanzim operative in the Balata Refugee Camp who was identified by Israeli security officials as an arms dealer. The terrorist was planning a terror attack against security forces and civilians in the immediate future and has evaded several capture attempts in the past. After intelligence information was received indicating that he had returned to his home, the security forces raided the building, arrested him, and transferred him to Shin Bet custody.

Thousands Visit the Kever of the Ohr Hachaim

On Monday night, thousands of people traveled to Har Hazeisim to visit the kever of the Ohr Hachaim on his yahrtzeit. Credit for the preparations for the event must be given to the Ministry of Religious Affairs, led by Yehuda Avidan; the Cemetery Council, headed by Tzuriel Krispel; and the city of Yerushalayim and Mayor Moshe Lion. The event proceeded without a hitch, with no violence from police officers or injuries to mispallelim.

The Torah of the Ohr Hachaim, Rav Chaim Ben-Atar, continues flourishing many years after his passing. Rav Chaim was born in Morocco and moved to Eretz Yisroel at the age of 43, residing in Teveria, Pekiin, and Tzefas. Three years later, he made his way to Yerushalayim, where he passed away at the age of 47. Learning his peirush on the Torah, while it isn’t always easy to understand, is a delightful experience. I have the privilege of attending a weekly shiur on the Ohr Hachaim, which I find utterly fascinating.

An Exchange Between Gedolei Yisroel

One can only be awed by the gedolei Yisroel who have traveled abroad to raise money to support the Torah world. One delegation returned before Shabbos last week, and another has just returned. Seeing Rav Dov Landau travel from place to place in America, I was reminded of the story about the Chofetz Chaim traveling to a faraway city to express his objections to a dispute that had erupted there. “I am an old man and I am weak,” he said, “but I have come here so that you won’t say that there was a Yid in Radin who didn’t protest.”

The delegation of gedolei Yisroel stands as evidence of the Torah’s power to rejuvenate and invigorate a human being. This was true of their previous journeys as well, but none of them have become younger, and my awe and amazement has therefore only increased. People who attended the various fundraising events in Lakewood and Deal, told me that philanthropists opened their hearts and their pockets, recognizing the importance of the cause. They heard Rav Dov Landau’s cries over the suffering of bnei Torah in Eretz Yisroel, they observed Rav Don Segal weeping over the oppression of bnei Torah, and they saw Rav Bunim Schreiber in his weakened state pleading for their assistance—and they could not help but be moved to support the cause.

Before Rav Dov Landau set out on his trip abroad, Rav Moshe Hillel Hirsch, his fellow rosh yeshiva at the Slabodka yeshiva went to wish him much success. “May your trip be with great hatzlocha and brocha. Everything should go well, you should be healthy, and you should succeed,” Rav Moshe Hillel said.

Rav Dov replied, “Amein. Yasher koach.” Then he added, “Have I told you the Tchebiner Rov’s vort about the words yasher koach? Someone once did a favor for him, and the Tchebiner Rov said, ‘Yasher koach.’ The man replied, ‘It was nothing.’ The Tchebiner Rov said, ‘Had I thanked you, it would have been possible for you to tell me that it was nothing, but the phrase yasher koach is a brocha, and one doesn’t respond that way to a brocha.’” Rav Dov then took leave of his colleague and added, “Yasher koach on the brocha.”